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SIR J. D. BEES, K.C.I.E., C.V.O. 





All righU remvsd. 

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Thb book I was asked to write was to be entitled Pros and 
(Tons of Current Political Problems, with the intention that 
the attitude of both Badicals and Unionists towards those 
problems should be, as I think it is, stated. But it is 
almost impossible for any one taking an interest in politics, or 
indeed in his country, to be without a decided opinion upon 
one or the other side. If it happens that I incline in the 
Unionist direction, the arguments on either side are never- 
theless given with the utmost impartiality at the end of each 
chapter. It would be possible to compose a book consisting 
only of such pros and cons, but surely it is of more interest, 
perhaps even of more use, for the author to give his own 
opinions in a plain straightforward manner, which in no way 
prevents the reader from studying the pros and cons, either 
before or after he has read, or without reading, the chapters. 

In spite of the large composite majority which exists to-day 
in the House of Commons, the excess of votes for the 
Oovemment over those cast for the Conservatives at the last 
CHeneral Election was only 6 per cent. It is possible, there- 
fore, that there is room for a book of this character at the 
present moment when far-reaching changes have been, and are 
being, effected in the Constitution, and in the character of 
British rule. In that hope my volume is offered to the public, 
in spite of all its imperfections. 

Field-Marshal Lord Boberts, Admiral Lord Charles Beresford, 
Lord Cromer, Mr. Buckland, C.I.E., and Mr. Philip Cambray, 
have kindly looked at the proofs of the chapters on the Army, 
Navy, Foreign Affairs, India and Ireland respectively, but I 
alone am responsible for every opinion offered and every fact 

stated. 242904 J. D. BBB8. 

January 1, 1912. 

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DSFBNOE — ^ThE NaVT * .... 1 

Its duties— Two-power standard—Estimates, 1911-12— Great 
Britiun and Germany— Comparison of fleets — of docks — 
of personnel^¥oU.^eal seamanship — Subordinate Ministers, 
Labour Party, and Little Navy— Nayy and employment — 
French Government and Littie Kavy— ^Dominions — InTasion — 
Bi^t of capture at sea— Busda and Japan— Finance— Arbitra- 
tion— Navy and social reform — ^Declaration of London. Arp^- 
merUifoT and against Declaration of London— Beduoed Navy. 


DxFBHOB — ^The Abmy .80 

lis functions— Position of Germany— Triple entente— ^Ezpedi 
tionaiy force — Our land frontiers— Turkish Army— Defence 
problem— Bussia— India— Lord Haldane's policy— The Terri- 
torial Army — Compulsory training — ^Lord Boberts's opinion — 
Sir Ian Hunilton's yiews— Scheme of National Serrice League 
— ^Invasion- Ethics of war and peace— Arbitration treaty with 
America — Socialism in England and France — Expenditure on 
armaments and waste — Colonies and defence. ArgwmenU for 
and agakut a Small Army — Compulsory Military Training. 


EoBBiGN Affaibs . .65 

Parliamentary treatment — ^Anglo-Bussian convention — ^Anti- 

Bnssian demonstrations— Question of Finland— Somal Hand— 

Illicit arms traffic— Turk^— Albania— Crete— Egypt— Pan- 


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Islamism— The Ck)ngo— The Baghdad Bailway—Bailways to 
India — Morocco — ^Alliance with Japan. ArgumenU far and 
agaitut Friendly Relations with Bassia— Bnssia's attitude to 
Finland— Withdrawal from Somaliland— Bepresentation and 
the like reforms in Egypt— Becognition of annexation of Congo 
— ^British participation in Baghdad Bailway. 


India ....... 113 

India in Parliament — ^Indian officialdom — Current contro- 
versies — ^Police— High Courts— District magistrates — Congress 
*-Army— Beductions— The drain from India— Tariff reform- 
Cotton — ^Tea— Education — Opium — Census. ArgumenU for and 
mganut the Indian Police— Beduotipn of Army— Preferential 
Tttrilfs— F^ree and Compulsory Education— Opium— Unrest, 
Bepresentatiye Institutions and Beforms. 


The CoIiOkies . . . . . . 152 

Imperial Conference, 1911— Imperial co-operation — ^Imperial 
Council of State— Standing Committee of Imperial Conference 
— Mr, W. Guinness's resolution — Declaration of London—- 
Lahour Exchanges— Interchange of Ciyilservants— LordElgin's 
secretariat — Secretarial and ministerial proposals — ^Naturalisa- 
tioD — ^Iniia-Imparial migration— Indian immigration— Socialist 
Labour Tuxtj — Cables— AU-red route— Boyal Commission on 
eommcgrdal rdations— Treaties— Tariffs— Income Tax— Ship- 
fttDg combmations— Imperial Court of Appeal— Enforcement of 
ait^tratlon awards— Defence — Criticism of general results of 
Conference— House ol Commons— Indian indentured labour — 
DiniBuIn — Southern Nigeria Liquor Commission— Masai— Was 
the Imperial Conference of 1911 a success 7~~Argument$ for and 


Tbade Belationb AND Tabiff Befobm . 187 

The Blanchester school — State interference with industry — 
Eagtem eonpetition— Protection of Uboor— Propheeies falsified 
— Prolaetioa and Democracy— Who pays the dufy— Dumping 
—Free Trade and Trusts— The ''double*' marM— Negotta- 

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tion—*' Most-favoured nation" treatment— The **eTil8" of 
Proteetion—Everything dearer— Imperial Pref eronee— Eipand- 
ing Colonial markets — The <* dear loaf " ory — ^The need for 
immediate aotion—Oreat Britain and the Canadian agreement* 
Arguments for and again$t Tariff Reform. Bibliography. 


The Constitution ..... 210 

The Constitution— The creation of peers and its effect— The 
lesson to be learnt— The Prime Minister's admission— Only a 
half -measure— Not a settlement— The Beferendum— Badical 
coquetting — ^Instability of legislation — The reform of the House 
of Lords— Payment of Members— Repayment of expenses — 
Unionist plans of reform — The Lords and Liberal Bills. 
ArgummU for and against the Parliament Act— The 
Referendum— The Payment of Members. Bibliography. 


Ebanchise and Bbpbbsbntation . • . 230 

Simplification necessary— Suggested reforms— The qualifying 
period — The lodger franchise— Adult suffrage — Our franchise 
system — Its extensions— Women suffrage— Plural voting— One 
vote, one value— The need for redistribution — Methods of 
representation— The second ballot— The alternative vote — The 
cumulative vote^-Proportional representation — The list system 
—The transferable vote. Arguments for and against women's 
suffrage — Plural voting — ^Proportional representation. Biblio- 

The Ibibh Home Bule Question • • • 259 

The Liberal argument for British electors— Half measures 
useless for this purpose— What is meant by Home Rule — The 
doctrine of nationality— A qualified acceptance— False analo- 
gies — Separation must be faced — Unionist policy not negative 
— ^Land reform and development — Nationalist attitude towards 
self-help— The danger of extremer measures — ^The Unionist 
minority— The religious aspect— The fear of intolerance — The 
question of safeguards— Home Rule inopportune. Arguments 
for and against Home Rule. Bibliography. 

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The Education Question • . . .283 

The dual system and the Act of 1870— The need for legislation 
'The Act of 1902— The position of volontary soboolfl— Nonoon- 
f ormist opposition— Popular control— Endowment of sectarian 
teaohhoig- Tests for teachers— The Birrell Bill 1906— Other 
attempts— Bfr. Bonoiman's Bill— The need for a settlemeni— 
Parents' rights. Arguments for and <igaintt Denominational 
and Undenominational Edacation. Bibliography. 


Disestablishment— Hostility to the Chorch— The <* breeches 
pocket" argument — The secular solution— The complaint of 
inequality— The obligations of Establishmeni— The "Free" 
Churches— Disendowment the real question — The daim of 
** national property "—The particular case of Wales— The 
*' majority" argument— The '* alien" Church— The Irish 
analogy— An adyandng Church. Argumentt far and againtt 
Disestablishment and Endowment. Bibliography. 


Finance and Taxation ..... 820 

The revenue tariff— The ** higher prices" objection — ^Taxation 
of necessities— Basis of taxation too narrow— Liquor licences — 
Revenge not revenue — ^Taxation of capital — Its effects on in- 
dustry-Income tax— The land taxes— Unearned increment— 
Site value — ^Undeveloped land duty— Effect on housing and 
building— Nationalisation the objective — ^The problem of local 
finance— National services paid for locally— *' Assigned re- 
venues"— Recent developments— The pressure of *'efilciency.'* 
Argumentt for and againtt our financial system— Land taxes— 
Taxation of mining h>yalties. Bibliography. 


SOCIALI8H . . . . . 345 

Revolutionary Socialism— The evolutionary Socialist— Modem 
tendendee towards Socialism— The weapon of class prejudice- 
Radicals and Socialism— The triumph of Fabianlon— The 

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Lloyd George Budget— SodaUsm and looial retogm— Eeonomte 
Liberalism— The Labour Party— The capture of the trades 
onions— The Osborne judgment — The Liberal eolation— A 
question of pubUo polioy. Argvmetiii for and agakut the 
Osborne Judgment. Bibliography. 


SooiAL Bbfobm ...... 368 

What are measures of —Unionists and— Future Unionist poli^ 
of —The inflnenee of Sooialism— Old Age Pensions— Poor Law 
Bef orm— The Minority Beport— Labour conditions— An eight 
hours day— The minimum wage— Some difficultie s D i str ess 
from want of employment— Unemployment and insurance- 
Obstacles to insurance— Sick and inyaliditj insurance- 
Friendly societies— Defects of Ifr. George's scheme— Small 
provision for inyalidity— Unnecessary insurance— Omissions — 
Competitiye Insurance — Cost of social retcnn. ArgumenU for 
and againtt Bight to Work Bill— An Bi^t Hours Day— A 
Minimum Wage— Strikes. Bibliography. 


Bubal Land Bbfobm ..... 890 

Bural depopulation-^-Our foreign food supply— Tenancy v. 
ownership— The advantages of tenam^ — '*The magic of 
property" — The objections to tenancy — The burdms of 
ownership— Assistance for purchasers — Security for advances— 
The objection to State credit— National Land Banks— ulr^u- 
menu for and agaUut an ownership system of small holdings. 

Indbx • . . » . 405 

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WORDS are wasted in demonstratiDg that the Navy is 
the first line of defence, that the country looks primarily 
to its battleships for its seoority, and it must never be for- 
gotten that if our Navy fortunately is still, though unfortunately 
no longer much, stronger than that of any other Continental 
Power, it has duties to perform which fall to the lot of no 
other fleet. Our insular position, though no doubt it adds to 
our security, is in at least one important respect a disadvan- 
tage, inasmuch as food supplies can only reach us overseas, so 
that our battleships have necessarily to keep open the ocean 
highways, as well as to provide for the safety of British 
merchantmen and British possessions all over the world. 

Two-PowEB Standabd. 

It is now held by the Liberal Party that the numerical 
calculation for the two-Power standard, which was correct 
when there were no fleets outside European waters to consider, 
has ceased to be applicable to present conditions. Fleets have 
now developed in different cotmtries remote from Europe 
which give a different value to the two'-Power standard. 
Though that standard is held to apply still to any two 
European Powers, a caveat is now entered to the effect that 
we need only take into consideration the joint strength of 
any two Powers which are likely to combine, and, of course, 
there is so much truth in this contention that two Powers 
thousands of miles apart could not combine against us with 

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2:'*..* . btriijpjijrf political problems 

\i:tt^|lljat^iigih e<}&al %) that of two Powers comparatively 
near our shores'.' ' * ' ' 

It is strange that the English people seem slow to realise 
the fact that the greatness of nations depends upon their 
progress in armaments, that ruin hangs over a people whose 
wealth and luxury stand in inverse ratia to their military 
strength, and that though the power of Great Britain is now 
at its zenith, its inhabitants include a very large proportion 
of different foreign peoples, who exercise their share of political 
control, but are without that love of the country of their 
adoption, which engenders true patriotism. 

•(Time, and the ocean and some fostering star 
In high oabal have made us what we are ; '' 

but of these three factors the second only is, to any extent, 
under our control, and if we neglect it we have no assurance, 
as regards the other two, of their continued assistance. 

National expenditure must come before that incurred on 
social reform, and there is more cause to apprehend oblivion 
of this vital truth in democracies than in monarchies, for the 
former seem specially prone to forget that nations are under 
a necessity to exist, which is superior to considerations of 
improved conditions of existence. 

Estimates, 1911-12. 

The First Lord of the Admiralty, anticipating the criticism 
that his estimates were for 44, and Germany's for 22, millions,* 
pointed out that the estimates of the two countries could not 
be rightly compared, as in Germany sums which appeared in 
our Naval, were found in their Civil, Estimates, while we, tmlike 
the Germans, have to pay heavily for maintaining the voltmtary 
system, and keeping up a fleet in foreign waters. He held 
that in the spring of 1914 Great Britain would have, including 
the programme of 1911-12, not less than thirty battleships 
and cruisers of the most powerful modem type. 

It is, however, so far as the writer can ascertain from the 
available information, the case that in the spring of 1914 we 
* Official Debates, March 13, 1911. 

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redundant population of which is shut out by our Navy from 
all the most desirable parts of the earth. The ultimate 
struggle is as inevitable as was that between Spain and 
Britain, and that between Germany and France. Who indeed 
* Captain Mahan's ** Inflaeuce of Sea Power on the French Bevolution." 

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can believe that we are safe but one blind to the history 
of Prussia? — Prussia, which crushed Denmark, humiliated 
Austria, overthrew France, and is now preparing to fight 
England on the sea. As the veteran Frederic Harrison wrote : — 

** How hollow is all talk about industrial reorganisation until we have 
secured our country against a catastrophe that would involve untold 
destitution and misery on the people in the mass — ^which would paralyse 
industry and raise food to famine prices, whilst closing our factories and 
our yards ! How idle are fine words about Betrenchment, Peace, and 
Brotherhood, whilst we lie open to the risk of unutterable ruin, to a 
deadly fight for national existence, and to war in its most destructive and 
most cruel form 1 '* 


A useful conspectus of the chief navies of the world is 
afforded by the Annual Parliamentary paper known as the 


Ships Built. 


Arm. G. D. Vessels 

Armoured Cruisers 

Protected Cruisers, I. 

» n. 

» III. 
Unprotected Cruisers ... 


Torpedo Vessels 

T.B. Destroyers 

Torpedo Boats 


SmpB BuniDiMo. 


Armd. Cruisers 

Protected Cruisers, II. 
Unprotected Cruisers... 


Submarine Dep6t Ship 

T.B. Destroyers 

Torpedo Boats 
















































3 — 















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^xiMMM/iiviM yiuavL vLuwu iucuuu £o, xuxxjf ^tMfcn JiLUtT-y \iva\x UUWll 

* U2 o! 1911. 

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March 6, 1911). Australia and New Zealand, building for the 
Dominions, laid down June, 1910. Seven ships on the stocks. 

Ships Pbojbctbd. — Five large armoured ships to be built 
under the 1911-12 Estimates. Of these, two will be built in 
the Eoyal Dockyards and three by contract. None of the five 
will be laid down till towards the close of the financial year. 

The Conqueror has three sisters : the Orion, belonging to the 
first four ships of the 1909 programme, and the Monarch and 
Thunderer, which, like herself, belong to the four <* conditional 
ships" of that year. The fourth '< conditional ship'' is the 
Princess Royal, launched in April, 1911. The dimensions of 
these ships have not yet been officially published, but it is 
known that the displacement will be a little more than 22,500 
tons, the length between perpendiculars 525 ft., the i.h.p. 
27,000, and the speed 21 knots. The armament consists of 
five pairs of 13'5-in. guns, all placed on the centre line of the 
ship, together with twenty-four 4-in. guns. Of the heavy guns, 
four will fire directly ahead and four directly astern, while all 
ten will be available on either broadside. The torpedo equip- 
ment is of the 21-in. pattern, and the maximum thickness of the 
armour belt is 12 in. 

The official date for the completion of these *' conditional 
ships " is March 31, 1912, but it appears at present improbable 
that they will be finished by that date, and large allotments 
have to be made for them in 1912-13. The fact seems to be 
that the Government put off till the latest possible moment the 
placing of the orders for these ships. It was impossible to deny 
that they were necessary, but it was pleasing to the Little 
Navy group that their actual construction should be postponed. 
Following upon this delay came the strike in the shipbuilding 
trade in the autumn of 1910, and the net result is that the 
ships will not be ready for sea by the time indicated, unless the 
contractors make amends by their expedition for the delays of 
the admiaistration. 

From answers given by the First Lord of the Admiralty in 
the House of Commons in the Session of 1911,* it appears that 

* First Lord o! the Admiralty in answer to Mr. Cliiozza Money, March 
13, 19X1. 

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* liermany Has 17, (i^reat l^ritain lt>, battiesnips in uome waiiers, ana 
Great Britain 6 in her Atlantic fleet, which may be as far o£E as Gibraltar. 
Great Britain maintains 28 battleships in full commission in 1911 as 
against 33 in 1904. Mr. Churchill, in answer to Mr. Ashley, House of 
Commons, Noyembei^ 23, 1911. 

t Dilke Returns, 136 (1904) and 142 (1911). 

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In ships under construction in 1904 we had ten to Ger- 
many's six, and in 1911 we have ten to nine in Germany. In 
armoured cruisers the comparison is twenty-eight to four in 
1904, against thirty-eight to ten now, so that even here the 
proportion in our favour has been reduced. Moreover, we 
were, seven years ago, building thirteen armoured cruisers to 
Germany's two, the present proportion being five to three, and 
three of our nine Dreadnought cruisers, built and building, are 
to serve in the Pacific, so that only six remain for service in 
the North Sea, which has now become the waters of concen- 

As regards protected cruisers, we have fallen in the time 
selected for comparison from a superiority of nearly five 
to one to a superiority of two to one, but if an age limit of 
twelve years be exacted, the Germans in this class had actually 
double the number we possessed on March 31, 1911, and this 
though our merchant marine is over four times the size of that 
of Germany, and our battleships, being more numerous in the 
larger classes, require more cruisers as auxiliaries. 

Lastly, in destroyers, in 1904 we had 124 to Germany's 37, 
while in the last return the figures are 176 to 92, a margin 
which might be sufiicient, but for the fact, often advanced by 
Admiral Lord Charles Beresford in and out of the House of 
Commons, that quite a large proportion of our destroyers are 
obsolete and useless. If in this case also the ten-year limit be 
applied our superiority is very small. 


Germany undoubtedly is ahead of us in the number of 
docks she possesses capable of accommodating ships of 
the Dreadnought class, the importance of which, considerable 
enough in time of peace, is of extraordinary noagnitude 
in case of war. 

The German Navy, upon the authority of a bulletin of the 
German Navy League, which is apparently correct in its facts, 
possesses five complete dry docks capable of taking the largest 
vessels — ^two at Kiel and three at Wilhelmshaven. A floating 
dock of a capacity of 40,000 tons is under construction at the 

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Mansion House, that they might sleep soundly in their beds at 

* House of Commons, Navy Estimates, March 16, 1909, pp. 955-968. 
t House of Commons, Naval Policy, Vote of Censure, March 29, 1909, 
pp. 53-70. 

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night. At any rate, there is a consensus of opinion that if 
there be such a person as a political Sea Lord, he should ** be 
cast out liJse an abominable branch.'* As to the Government, 
the pronouncements of the Prime Minister, the Foreign 
Secretary, and the First Lord of the Admiralty have been 
suitable to the high and responsible positions they hold, but 
it would be affectation to ignore the fact that besides the 
Civil Lord's speech, to which reference is made below, 
disquieting and unjustifiable speeches are delivered without 
any repudiation on the part of their superiors by subordinate 
members of the administration. 

The Civil Lord of the Admiralty, Mr. Lambert, in November, 
1910, said that in our pre-Dreadnought fleet, carrying 152 
12-in. guns against 40 11-in. guns of the German pre- 
Dreadnought fleet, we had an incomparably stronger factor 
than Germany, that "pre-Dreadnought ships were worthy 
to stand in the battle line," and that he wished to 
banish for ever the panicmonger and the politician. Among 
the first class he would abolish his own Prime Minister and 
Foreign Secretary, who honestly informed the country how 
desperately serious the situation was, and among the 
politicians he himself would have to go, for his statement 
as to the value of the pre-Dreadnought fleet in the fighting 
line facing a German Dreadnought fleet in the North Sea 
was a piece of pure politics, and calculated to mislead upon 
a vital issue! 

No serious student disputes the fact that the pre-Dread- 
nought fleet is rapidly becoming, and even in a year or two 
will have become, obsolete. 

The Germans, with the completion of the three Dread- 
noughts of 1911, will have also completed the substitution of 
ships of that class for the older types of battleships through- 
out their high sea fleet, both squadrons of which— one at 
Wilhelmshaven and another at Kiel, both equally available 
for the North Sea and the Baltic — will consist entirely of 
Dreadnoughts. The widening of the canal at Kiel, to be 
completed next year, is another fact which must not be over- 

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Little Navy. 

Again, the Under-Secretary for the Home Department, 
forsaking his last, said that, " Considering the ships in the 
two navies, any criticism should be on account of our exces- 
sive strength, rather than on account of our weakness ; " and 
the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies — ^now of War — 
declared at Liverpool that " if war come and the Dreadnoughts 
fight and we get the worst of it, there are other war vessels 
in the Navy to be taken into account. The man who fears for 
his country must have forgotten that we have again and again 
shown that we can fight even in a numerical inferiority." 
Such utterances as these, though wholly contrary to those 
of the party leaders in the Government and to the facts of 
the situation, are most mischievous when they pass without 
comment or rebuke. Again, Mr. Asquith's Government has 
paid the utmost deference to the Labour Party, and Mr. Keir 
Hardie, its erewhile leader, who, in that capacity at any rate, 
must be regarded as a responsible politician, has actually 
stated on the platform '* that no sane German, no responsible 
authority in Germany dreamt for a moment of the possibility 
of invading Great Britain. The Labour Party's representatives, 
' who were then on the point of going to Germany ' meant to 
say to their comrades and co-workers, ' You and we have no 
quarrel; we belong to the same class and have the same 
interests; let us bind ourselves together not to fight each 
other, but to fight the common enemy, the capitalist system.' " 
At the same time the Labour Leader scoffed at the "Liberalism 
of the Asquiths, the Greys, the Haldanes, and McEennas," 
and wrote that " the Labour Party would, it hoped, strongly 
oppose the Naval Estimates." Here we have the Government, 
when proposing to do its duty by the country, opposed by its 
own subordinate ministers, and by supporters of that class, which 
it has been specially solicitous to please. And in neither case 
has a word of repudiation escaped the lips of a single one of 
the leaders. A perplexed public may well wonder which is the 
really authoritative utterance. 

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Mr. Barnes, at the time leader of the Labour Party, after a 
visit with an official delegation of his friends to Germany, said 
upon his return "that the idea of war between the two 
countries simply excited hilarity ! " But within a few weeks 
of this sapient utterance the German National Labour leader, 
Herr Basserman, said in the Reichstag that " Germany must 
go on and follow England, or her Navy would be absolutely 

Navy and Employment. 

It might have been expected that Labour Members of 
Parliament would remember that the million spent on a 
battleship gives active employment to a hundred industries 
and tens of thousands of workmen, and in point of fact in 
dockyard constituencies individually they heartily recognise 
that which collectively they strenuously deny. 

The Germans do not hesitate to avail themselves of periods 
of economic depression for pressing on ship-building, in order 
to obtain better terms for Government, and in order to 
prevent the dismissal of hands owing to want of orders. 

One of the leaders of the Gterman Socialists, Herr Siidekum, 
lately said in the Reichstag : — 

*< Anybody who really knew England knew that English anxiety, 
although it might be exaggerated, was perfectly genuine. The English 
point of view was quite intelligible. Germany's position and Germany's 
minute colonial possessions did not justify her large naval expenditure, 
from which it could only be inferred that German armaments were 
directed against England. England, consequently, endeavoured to secure 
herself as far as possible, and so Germany supplied the reactionaries in 
England with a pretext for the perpetual increase of the Navy. They 
would do well to note that hand in hand with the fear about Germany 
went Protection. If German armaments produced the return of a Oon- 
servative Government, the first result would be a protective tariff. 
That would reduce the German Protectionists of to-day to despair, 
because there was no doubt that Protection was tolerable only so long 
as there remained in the world at least one great Free Trade country. 
If aU countries without exception went over to Protection on a high 
scale, then Protection would lose its meaning." 

Nor was even M. Monis, the successor of the great Prime 
Minister of France, M. Briand, though the Socialists had 

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placed him in power, willing to be misunderstood on this 
all-important subject. 

Fbbnch Government and Littlb Navy. 

On taking office in March, 1911, in addressing the Chamber, 
he said : — 

'* Animated by the same Bcntiments whioh inspire the GoTenimente 
of the other Powers, and, like them, seeing in a strong military 
establishment one of the essential guarantees of peaoe, we shall make 
our forces on land and sea the subject of our peculiar solicitude." 

The fact is, of course, that no Power which is to hold her 
own in Europe, and least of all England, can afford to neglect 
her Navy. Nor should the Socialists, altruists, and Badicals 
forget that the most powerful Navy in the world, in the 
hands of the most peace-loving nation in the world, is the 
greatest power for peace in the world, and to reduce the standard 
of that Navy below what the responsible advisers of the 
Qovemment consider necessary for the defence of our country, 
would be a blow struck at the cause of peace, at the price of 
food, at the prosperity of our trade and commerce, if not at 
the very existence of Qreat Britain. 


Colonial statesmen did not shut their eyes to the facts. Mr. 
Borden, now Premier and lately leader of the Opposition in 
the Canadian Parliament, adversely criticised the defence 
proposals of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's Government, pointing 
out that the Admiralty experts at the Defence Confer- 
ence had recommended the establishment of fleet units by 
the great Dominions. Australia, with a population 2,000,000 
less than Canada, had accepted this recommendation, while 
New Zealand had undertaken to furnish one Dreadnought. 
The Canadian Government, however, only proposed to create 
a fleet consisting of four ships of the Bristol type, one of 
the Boadicea type, and six destroyers, to be divided between 
the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, at a cost to Canada of 
£2,338,000. There was no chance of the Canadian Navy 

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being efifective within fifteen years. But the crisis would come 
within five — probably within three — years. Great Britain, 
through her ablest and wisest sons, had said within the past 
few months that the hour of peril was fast approaching. Mr. 
Borden said the Germans were supreme on land, and now 
they boldly challenged British supremacy on the ocean. He 
insisted that Germany's programme was expressly directed 
against Great Britain, citing in proof of his statement the 
following extract from the German Naval Bill of 1900 : " Ger- 
many must possess a battle fleet so strong that a war with her 
would, even for the greatest naval Power, be accompanied with 
such dangers as would render that Power's position doubtful." 
Germany, the dominant military Power upon land beyond all 
challenge, would not be satisfied imtil she had successfully 
wrested the control of the seas from Great Britain. That 
meant either the dismemberment of the Empire or its relega- 
tion to a condition of inferiority which would lead to its early 
dissolution. Mr. Borden has now rejected Sir W. Laurier's 
scheme, and intends to make proposals *' useful alike to 
Canada and the Empire," to be adopted after consulting the 
• Canadian electorate. 


The question whether an invasion of England is feasible has 
naturally much occupied naval and military experts. It is 
assumed on behalf of the supporters of the position of the 
present Government, that, to take things at their worst, a 
sufficient force is available in England to defeat 70,000 picked 
foreign troops at a time when our Regular Army is abroad and 
the Special Reserve has been largely depleted in order to fill 
its ranks for active service, and to stiffen the weak garrisons a 
Gibraltar, Malta, Egypt, Colombo, Singapore, and Hongkong. 
But it would take more than 150,000 Territorials to deal with 
an invading army of half that number, and more than remain 
out of the 270,000 Territorials we have would be required for 
garrison duty and for local defences. 

The object of the German invaders must be to obtain for a 
limited period, two or three days, the local command of a 

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portion of the North Sea sufficient in area for the operations at 
the moment in hand, and it is by no means certain that Great 
Britain can coimt on having double the number of the enemy's 
fleet at such a point at the psychological moment, for there are 
allies available and within reach for Germany. Britain's naval 
forces may well be scattered and unavailable without fatal 
delay ; and in no long time her numerical superiority over a 
Triple Alliance fleet in firat-class battleships will have dis- 
appeared. This is obvious, for a two-keels-to-one policy 
cannot be maintained if our relative expenditure on con. 
struction and armament and that of the Gtermans continues 
at the rate of £34,600,000 to £29,500,000, which obtained 
between 1908-9 and 1910>11. 

Why, too, should it be assumed that while we shall be well 
posted as to the enemy's plans he will be without infor- 
mation regarding our own positions and intentions? Why 
ignore the fact that the Germans have fasb steamers of upwards 
of 16,000 tons in which to transport troops, and could make 
a short crossing while the battie fleets were engaged ? Why 
rely on our coast submarines even in water in which they 
cannot operate? Why ignore the probable action of the 
powerful German Navy, forget the surprise at Port Arthur, 
and pretend oblivion of the enormous advantage of the initia- 
tive which will rest with any invader, but never with us, how- 
ever imperative for our preservation, with the British democracy 
in its present temper? Why should we conceal the fact that 
in our own naval manoeuvres the weaker attacking fleets have 
often been successful ? 

Gbbmany and Austria. 

How is it possible to forget that Germany's friends are 
bound to her by a firm alliance, ours by an Entente as senti- 
mental in character as our own domestic policy, and why not 
acknowledge that the word supremacy hardly applies at 
present to our position at sea, and that we cannot maintain 
such supremacy as we have in the Pacific, Atlantic, and 
Mediterranean without leaving unprotected the British Isles, 
whose inhabitants are not, and refuse to be, trained to arms, 

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while vote-seeking politicians assure them that they are safe 
without making the sacrifices which other countries willingly 
suffer to ensure safety ? 

It is, moreover, clear that in this country the importance of 
the Austrian alliance to Oermany is hardly appreciated. At 
the close of 1912 Austria will have seven of the most powerful 
battleships in the world, and six of older pattern, which would 
dominate the coast of Italy, and British possessions in 
Cyprus, Malta, Egypt, and the Suez Canal, if ever we were 
again forced to abandon the Mediterranean. Already the 
Austrian Mediterranean fleet is not much inferior to our own 
in the inland sea, which consists of six battleships, four 
armoured cruisers, and eleven destroyers of antiquated type. 
The thirteen Austrian ships with their flotillas of destroyers 
and torpedo-boats will practically form a squadron of' the 
German armada, and would have nothing to fear from France 
so long as the German is superior to the French army. The 
Italian coast-line would be at the mercy of the German- 
Austrian combination, and the dual monarchy could make 
her own terms in the Near East. The Austrians are good 
seamen, their naval personnel can be extended to 30,000 men, 
and their ships and their organisation are all in first-rate 

The theory that Brltun cannot be invaded, though com- 
fortable and convenient to ministers who depend on Irish^ 
Socialist, and Labour votes, found no fayour with our greatest 
statesmen. After the surrender of Comwallis, Pitt said on 
February 17, 1783, "I am sorry to say that we discovered 
the fabric of our naval superiority to be false and baseless *' ; 
and in 1786 he said, ** The opinion of the sea officers was that 
in certain circumstances it was possible for the enemy to 
land." On July 22, 1803, after a succession of great naval 
victories, he declared that ** it is admitted that our Navy, great 
and powerful as it is, cannot be relied on with absolute cer- 
tainty to prevent an invasion." This was when our Navy 
was equal to the combined navies of all Europe ! * Again, the 

* Captain Mahan's <*Ioflaenoe of Sea Power on the French Bevolu- 

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late liord Gosohen declared m the House of Lords in July, 
1905, that he ** declined altogether to give a guarantee against 
invasion because there was so much of the element of the 
tmforeseen, which could not be left out of consideration in a 
matter of this supreme importance " ; and on November 23, 
1908, Lord Crewe said in the House of Lords that " it was 
impossible to announce an actual guarantee against the landing 
on these shores of an invading force." 

We in England, who are lulled into supine ease by assertions 
that invasion is impossible, might learn something from 
General Lee's calculation that Japan could land 300,000 men 
on the Oalifornian coast in twenty-two days. 

Pitt, who would have been dumfounded could he have 
seen a situation like the present in England, considered the 
duty which devolved upon a British Minister to be '' to array 
the loyal, sober-minded, and the good in defence of the 
venerable constitution of the British monarchy " ; * but though 
it is well known that this country needs 600,000 Territorials 
for a second line, unless the Navy, and indeed the Begular 
Army, are to be diverted in war-time from their legitimate 
duties, there is apparently no prospect of a force of these 
dimensions being raised. 

It has been estimated by Dr. Biesser that the cost of a land 
war to Germany for three million men under arms would be 
£900,000 a day, and as the greatest financial Power besides 
ourselves, France, is our own friend, if not ally, a short, sharp 
and decisive struggle is necessary for the Germans, to whom 
a long dragging war is impracticable, because the nation's 
existence depends on the uninterrupted activities of commerce 
and industry.! 

England is not only Germany's greatest rival, but she alone, 
if not crushed in the beginning by a surprise at sea, has the 
power to force her enemy to fight the long-drawn war so 
dreaded by German strategists. 

The power of England to bring a contest to an end would 
be inunensely impaired by the proposed renunciation of the 

* Epitaph in GuildhaU. 

f « Der Kreig in det GegMiwart," Deut&che Btmdschau, January, 1909. 


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right of capture at sea. Captain Mahan has pointed out in a 
recent letter to The Times that the system, which it is now 
proposed to abandon, enables a belligerent nation to bring 
almost decisive pressure to bear on an enemy by completely 
disorganising the conditions of business. 

"To say," ho writes, "that the greatness uid intricacy of modem 
industrial and commercial development will cause the pressure hereafter 
to he greater is reasonahly. probable, and may safely be prophesied. 

" To bring the pressure of war to bear upon the whole population, and 
not merely upon the armies in the field, is the very spirit of modem 
warfare. It may safely be asserted to be least inhuman of aU the 
inevitable inhumanities of war, because the danger of it deters from war ; 
and because, while hostilities are proceeding, it tends most to make the 
war unpopular and so to hasten peace. 

" As a matter of European politics, the right of maritime capture is the 
principal, if not the only, strong weapon of offence posseesed by Great 
Britain against the nations in arms of the Continent." 

It was perhaps to be expected in these circumstances that 
continual pressure would be, as it is, exercised by extreme 
Radicals and Socialists to induce England to consent to, 
indeed to lead the movement for, the abolition of this right, 
to her own exceeding great loss and detriment. 

Russia and Japan. 

Mr. Gladstone in 1878 said that the strength of England 
would not be found in alliances with great military Powers, 
but in the eflSciency and supremacy of her Navy — •* a Navy as 
powerful as the navies of all Europe." 

While it must be admitted that this ideal is no longer 
capable of realisation, the great lesson of the Busso-Japanese 
war is the appalling risk to an island Power of an inadequate 
margin in battleships. In three days the Japanese lost a third 
of their battleship strength owing to the operation of the 
enemy's mines, and had the Bussians possessed a good naval 
commander the issue of the war might have been different 
in the end. Twice during this fateful struggle the issue of 
battle hung upon a lucky shot, and the losd to Japan from the 
depredations of the Vladivostock cruisers was greater than 
would have been the cost of the additional battleships required 

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to sink or put them out of aotion early in the war. But 
Bussia, which did not suffer the loss of a square mile of her 
territory, far less the dismemberment of her empire, as the 
result of defeat, lias now adopted, out of her comparative 
poverty, a battleship building programme of £30,000,000, 
providing for eight Dreadnoughts in addition to those to be 
launched in 1911, for the necessary complement of submarines 
and destroyers, for two dockyards, and a naval base. 


Continental Powers do not hamper themselves with pedantic 
regulations in respect of the financing of their measures of 
defencei. Neither in Bussia nor in Germany have operations 
to be terminated or postponed, surpluses surrendered, and 
deficits avoided, irrespective of the business aspect of the 
transaction, to fit in with the machinery of Appropriation 
Bills. In competing with countries which build ships out of 
loans or their equivalent, our Admiralty should be freed from 
checks which interfere with the uninterrupted prosecution of a 
ship-building programme. 

The Admiralty expenditure should, of course, be subjected 
to a close and continuous audit, but the Empire's safety is a 
higher consideration than an occasional deficit for an individual 
year. Our practice as regards contracts also requires revision. 
A contractor will not incur a large outlay in laying down plant 
unless he has a reasonable belief that it will be employed, and 
in certajn cases the only orders which can be given for its use 
and can ensure a return of the capital expended must come 
from Government, which alone requires heavy armour plates, 
large forgings for guns, and c<Hnplicated machinery for 

Our inivate ship-building firms complain, perhaps with some 
reason, that their position is not sufiiciently considered by 
Government, with which they are in efCect in partnership in 
respect of carrying out naval programmes of con8tructi<m. 

The arbitration agreement negotiated * with the United States 
cannot a£foet the position of our Navy, as it is not against 
* Not^yet passed by American Senate, or ratified by British Parliament. 

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America we are building ships, and no European Power except 
France has so far treated the arbitration question with other 
than a polite and non-committal interest. 

America, with a quarter of the globe to herself, is in a 
wholly different position from nations crowded together in 
Europe with manifold conflicting interests therein, and in other 
parts of the world. Not, however, that she has been blind to 
the necessity for armaments. 

Indeed, when she began the construction of a battleship of 
21,000 tons called the Pacificator, President Roosevelt said : 
<* Remember that the prime use of the United States Navy is 
to avert war. The Navy is the cheapest insurance Uncle Sam 
has. It is the surest guarantee against our ever being drawn 
into war ; and a guarantee effective just in proportion as the 
navy is efficient." 

Every word of this speech is of equal, nay, of greater, 
application to our own case. 

Arbitration treaties are well enough as sacrifices to the 
divinity of Peace, which we all worship; but how could 
Germany be expected to agree to a halt in ship-building which 
would perpetuate a status in which we hold the first place at 
sea, with all the vast actualities and potentialities implied in 
such a position ? 

Moreover, as regards the volume of the Naval Estimates and 
the resulting financial pressure, in the first place, the whole 
amount is spent on British insurance in Great Britain, to the 
advantage of her industries, and to the employment of British 
labour, and the figure of even 50 millions, as the insurance 
on our mercantile marine, amounts to a charge of no more 
than 2 per cent, as against 11*5 per cent, in Grermany, and 
25 per cent, in America for the same purpose. The British 
Government has, moreover, to face the greater cost of volun- 
tary, service, pensions, and other non-effective charges, the 
larger number of ships in commission, and the longer time 
spent in sea training. The able military correspondent of The 
Times wrote :— * 

• The Times, January 10, 1911. 

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« Estimates of 60 millions for the Nayy wHl give you security ; so will 
your present Navy Estimates, plus national service, which will cost you 
an additional eight millions or so. But, if you will neither pay nor 
play, the great business of the British Empire will soon go into liquida- 
tion. Where in history can you find mention of a people which refused 
personal service and effort and were successful in the end against a rival 
prodigal of both?" 

In the days of Cromwell, by the unanimous verdiot of 
history one of the greatest rulers England ever had, the Navy 
Estimates amounted to half, whereas at present they are no 
more than a quarter, of the annual revenue. Bat half was 
cheerfully paid, after a Dutch Admiral had sailed up the 
Thames, ^th a besom at his masthead! 


It is the constant effort of advanced Badical and Socialist 
Members of Parliament to prove that any kind of social 
reconstruction that would improve the condition of the 
working classes is incompatible with perpetual increase of 
naval expenditure, and they would not allow for any normal 
and progressive enhancement of the cost of insurance pro- 
portionate to the increase in the amount of national assets to 
be protected. But we are right in the path of a Power 
which is at once the greatest military country and one of the 
greatest naval Powers on the Continent, possessed of allies 
bound to it by the close bonds of Sympathy and interest, and 
of the even greater asset of pure and self-denying patriotism. 
It is not now a question of defending an outpost of the 
Empire near the Oxus or the Indus. The Oermans will 
say, as the Mahrattas did of the decaying Mogul Empire, 
*' Strike at the heart and the withered limbs will fall," and 
already they see in no distant future the once all-powerful 
mistress of the seas, wearing out an opulent dotage by the 
sufferance of a younger, stronger, and more patriotic power. 

Dbclabation of London. 

And, indeed, there are not a few who saw in our acquiescence 

in the Declaration of London an unwelcome sign of degeneracy. 

This instrument has given rise to a considerable amount of 

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not onnatoral alarm and distrust in the minds of the public 
and those best acquainted with the problems involved, and it 
would be strange if agreements of this character entered into 
between Qreat Britain, the greatest naval Power, and other 
Powers were not designed to place impediments in the way of 
the use by the former of that arm in which she is most 

Indeed, it must be admitted that the case against the 
Declaration is very strong.* It is disapproved by almost all 
naval officers, though those on active service are necessarily 
muzzled, and the Chambers of Commerce and Shipping have 
lifted an almost unanimous voice of condemnation, in which it 
is of less importance that some of our greatest jurists concur. 
The vote in favour of ratification given at the Imperial Conference 
can hardly be regarded as conclusive, or as passed in view of 
the arguments on the other side, for only the Government 
case was before the representatives of the Dominions, which, 
of course, had no share in the Hague Convention, when many 
petty little States recorded a vote, nor will they have any 
judge on the Tribunal, to which thirty-six minor States — six of 
which, as Mr. Bowles has pointed out, have defaulted — will 
each send a member and may vote, to the prejudice of the 
great trade and Imperial defence of our Dominions. 

The Commonwealth representatives proposed a resolution 
regretting that the Dominions had not been consulted, con- 
demning the iaclusion in Article 24 of foodstuffs, and the 
adoption of the provision permitting the destruction of neutral 
vessels. Sir E. Qrey is believed, however, to have convinced 
the Conference that the Declaration must be accepted or 
rejected as a whole, that no amendments were possible, and 
that acceptance was practically obligatory. The only con- 
cession he could make was that for the word ** enemy/' 
"enemy government'' should be substituted. 

It was formerly the practice of the strongest naval Powers 
to object to the sinking of neutral prizes, and such, therefore, 
could not, unless the Declaration came into force, become 

* The rejection of the Naval Prize Bill by the House of Lords on 
Dec. 12, 1911, renders ratification of the Declaration doubtful. 

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a regular incident of naval warfare, for such Powers brought 
almost irresistible pressure to bear against those perpetrating 
these acts of destruction. 

Sir Edward Orey, while speaking on the Declaration, rather 
gave his case away when he said, ** If we refused at this stage 
to s^ree to its ratification it would be a great blow to the 
confidence of other Powers in us, as a Power prepared to 
forward arbitration. As a power anxious to co-operate with 
the United States in reference to arbitration, it was essential 
that we should go through with the Declaration of London." 

It would be difficult to give a less cogent reason, even if it 
could, as it cannot, be accepted that the United States make 
ratification a condition of arbitration. An English Foreign 
Minister, speaking on a subject closely connected with our 
naval power and position, might well remember that •Ma 
raison du plus fort est tou jours la meilleur." 

The agitation against the Declaration derives considerable 
support from the attitude of Germany in respect of this instru- 
ment. In a leading article in the Hamburger Nachrichten* 
the following paragraphs find place : — 

** A temporary distorbanoe in the working of the oversea transport 
of food would bring about the severest crisis in Great Britain, and not 
only in the direction of raising the price of food commodities, but 
also a financial overthrow and collapse. 

** England carried out her last important sea battle a hundred years ago, 
and since that time she has become more vulnerable, and it is this which 
accounts for the nervousness of the entire English people. The posi- 
tion of Germany, which is yearly becoming less vulnerable, is more 
and more apparent to Englishmen. 

" The formation of the North Sea is one naturally favouring a 
blockade of Gkrman sea traffic, and even for what the English call 
* the high-sea blockade,' by the closing up of the arm of the sea between 
Scotland and Norway. This is what they call ' sealing the North Sea.' 

** But by the Declaration of London such a blockade may not be 
carried out, as by Article I. it is provided that a blockade must not 
extend beyond the ports and coasts belonging to or occupied by the 
enemy ; and Article 18 says the blockading forces must not bar access 
to neutral ports or coasts. In Germany we have received these decisions 
with exceptional pleasure." 

* June 18, 1911. 


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The feeling against the Declaration entertained in naval 
and commercial circles is shared by the insurance interest and 
by the City of London, wherein the underwriters of Lloyds 
decided on July 24, 1911, to abolish all free war risks, partly 
because of the threatening situation in Morocco, and partly 
because of the unsatisfactory position of neutrals revealed by 
the Declaration of London, and aggravated by its confused 
and conflicting causes. 

The most objectionable provisions of the Declaration have 
been concisely abstracted by Mr. Atherley-Jones in the 
following summary: — 

1. The substitution of an International Oourt of Appeal for diplo- 
matic action will upon a number of vital questions of Prize Law pre- 
clude neutrals from attempting to arrest a continuing mischief, whereby 
irreparable injury may be inflicted upon a belligerent and great loss 
upon the carrying trade of neutrals. 

2. The destruction of neutral prises, until the Busso-Japanese War 
practically unknown to the history of naval warfare, never sanctioned 
by the "Prize Courts of this country, and generally condemned as con- 
trary to the elementary principles of humanity, has now, by the 
Declaration, received the formal sanction of Great Britain. It is a 
provision which can be of little service to a country which possesses 
ports in almost every sea, but otherwise to a nation like Germany or 
Russia not similarly circumstanced. 

8. The Declaration sanctions, under illusory provisos, the conversion 
of merchantmen into men-of-war upon the high seas. 

4. It abolishes the practice of pre-emption. 

5. The security of articles ancipitU ustiSf including foodstuffs when 
in transit in neutral bottoms to ports other than those of naval and 
military equipment, is imperilled by the substitution of vague rules 
for the well-established customary law, and the fate of the neutral 
ship carrying com to Hull or Liverpool is left to the discrimination of 
the naval commander, perhaps corrected when the war is over by the 
International Court of Appeal, whether or not these ports are ** bases 
of supply ** to the armed forces of the enemy ; or again to his dis- 
crimination whether or not he may treat it as a *' fraud " and so seise 
her when she is on her way to a neutral port within easy reach of a 
belligerent port to which from the neutral port she may proceed under 

Before leaving the Navy it is needful to repeat that we are 
dangerously deficient in proper organisation for war, of which 

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proof was afforded in a recent crisis. It is believed, however, 
that Mr. Winston Churchill, who has recently become First 
Lord, proposes to create a war staff at an early date.'*' May he 
remember, " qui mare teneat, eum necesse rerum potiri/' 

ABQtJMBNTs Fob and Against a Bbduobd Navy. 

1. The international conscience increasingly revolts from war, and the 
star of arbitration is ever in the ascendant. 

2. The nations of the world more and more realise that their revenues 
should be spent on social reform, and not on armaments. 

8. Our Colonies and Dependencies are preparing to defend themselves, 
and in an increasing degree are becoming able to provide this service. 

4. It would be better to lose our Colonies than to postpone or abandon 
the beneficent projects of social reform, which are the chief end of 
civilised government in the twentieth century. 

5. Previous programmes of construction and expenditure, which are 
eclipsed by the latest vote, proved sufficient for the maintenance of 
British peace and the British Empire. There has already been an 
increase of nearly thirteen millions in six years, and of nineteen millions 
in the preceding ten years.t 

6. It is clear that there is a desire on the part of the public that 
Parliament should be required to spend less on naval and military 

7. Our Navy is, according to the Dilke Betum, 542,000 tons in excess of 
the tonnage of the combined navies of the United States and Germany. 

8. The TerritoriaLs are an efficient home defence army. No reduction 
has been, but such should be,^ effected on that account. 

9. Increasing difficulty is experienced in raising money for great 

10. As our Dreadnought and super-Dreadnought tonnage has increased, 
our pre-Dreadnought tonnage should have been decreased, and less ships 
of this class kept in commission, whereby a saving in personnel would 
have been, and such should now be, effected. 

11. Our superiority in heavy guns, in men, and in tonnage is above the 
two-Power standard. There is little or no reason to fear a combination 
of the United States with Germany or with France against Great Britain. 
Germany, France, and the United States are the three strongest Powers 
to be taJcen into consideration in fixing the two-Power standard. Our 
relations with them, and theirs with one another, are the factors to be 

* This has been done. 

t Parliamentary Debates, Maroh 18, 1911, p. 1884. 

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considered in this conneotion. We have no actual or potential difiereuce 
with those Powers, as we had with France and Bossia in the days of their 
alliance, and hefore the creation of the Triple Entente. 

12. The Lahour Party, which in every country is increasing in strength 
and influence, favours reduction and arbitration. 

13. It is we, and not Germany, who set the pace in building. We 
should reduce, whether other Powers follow or not, and set a good example. 

14. " Warlike preparations familiarise ideas which, when familiar, lose 
their horror, and light an inward flame of excitement, of which, when it 
is habitually fed, we lose the consciousness.*'* 

15. The possession of great armaments directly leads to the making of 
occasions for their use. 


1. The British Navy is far weaker than it was a century ago relatively 
to the growth and development of the population, wealth and territory of 
the Empire, and to the increase in naval power of other nations. In 1801 
the total trade (exports and imports) of the Empire was valued at 
79 millions, and in 1908 at 2,022 millions, and the total British tonnage 
Increased between 1800 and 1908 from 1,866,000 to 18,183,000.t 

2. The introduction of machinery has neutralised the previously existing 
advantage the British derived from their superior seamanship. Other 
nations are equally proficient in working machinery. 

3. The blockading of an enemy's fleet is far more difficult now that the 
blockading ships have to be more frequently relieved, owing to the 
enormous consumption of coal by modern battleships, and owing to the 
universal use of steam, which makes escape from the blockade much 
easier than in former days. 

4. Our naval reserve of 55,828 men is insufficient, and of these only 
30,000 are fully trained men, as against 100,000 of the German naval 
reserve, all of whom have served in the active Navy.J 

5. The difficulty of providing for a naval reserve is immensely increased 
by the great proportion of Asiatics and foreigners in the mercantile marine, 
from which the naval reserve is chiefly recruited. 

6. The total annual value of the sea-borne commerce of Franco, Russia, 
Germany, and Italy compares with the value of British commerce as 95 
compares with 100. Their mercantile tonnage is as 44 to 100, and yet 
their naval expenditure per ton of shipping is three times as great as that 
of Great Britain. § 

7. In the case of Great Britain, her trade and conmierce include her 
food supply. No less than 73 per cent, of our imported wheat and flour 

* Lord Morley's " Life of Gladstone." 
t " The Briton's First Duty," p. 44. 
}iM<i.»p.41. §I6uI.,p.45. 

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oomes from foreign countries, and only 27 per oent. from British 

8. The British Navy, unlike the navies of other Powers, is hampered by 
the absence of a sufficient home defence army to set it free for the 
performance of its proper duties. The British Navy, besides protecting 
our foreign possessions, our commerce, and food supply, has to protect 
our coaling stations all over the world. 

9. During the war in South Africa nothing but the superior strength 
of the British Navy saved us from the intervention of foreign Powers. 

10. A comparison of the total British warship tonnage with that of 
other Powers is whoUy illusory, with the exception of so much as relates 
to capital ships. 

11. Our present superiority is chiefly in pre-Dreadnoughts, which have 
become, or are rapidly becoming, obsolete. 

12. Any reduction in the number of trained bluejackets would be most 
unfortunate, as each one is the product of long training, and is very hard 
to replace. Probably no individual Briton is of greater value to the State 
than the efficient bluejacket. 

13. Our reductions in naval programmes between 1906 and 1908 were 
met by an acceleration on the part of Oermany, resulting in the serious 
disturbance of our relative positions and in subsequent inevitable increases 
in construction. The (Germans in that period doubled the estimates of 
the Fleet Law. * 

14. Our offer to make proportionate reductions in concert with other 
Powers met with no support at tha Hague Conference. 

15. The British Navy is, and always has been, an instrument of peace, 
and not of war. 



1. This subject has been more fully debated than any other upon which 
an international agreement has been reached. 

2. The Dominion Prime Ministers have given it a general approval. It 
was impossible to refer to a Boyal Commission, or to any such body, for 
opinion external interests such as are treated by the Declaration. 

8. The experience of the Busso-Japanese War showed the necessity for 
an International Prize Court, in view of the present uncertainty respect- 
ing the treatment of neutral vessels, and the difficulty of obtaining redress 

« Mr. McKenna, M.P., ParlUmentary DaUtes, Mardi 13, 1911, p. 1924 


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Under eziitiiig oiroomstanoes, dissatisfied neutrals can only appeal to a 
Prize Oonrt of the offending belligerent, after the war is over. 

4. The Declaration does not alter geographical facts or affect the 
position of this country in respect of its dependence upon foreign 
markets, for the food proyisions do not impair the right of blockade. 

6. Only a small proportion of our food supplies come in neutral 
ships. The bulk arrives in British vessels, for the protection of which 
we must depend as heretofore on the strength of the Navy, as a sub- 
stitute for which the Declaration is in no way put forward by its 

6. The risk of seizure of food in neutral ships is diminished by the 
Declaration, and if we refuse to ratify it, there is a risk that food will 
be declared absolute contraband of war, whereas, at present, it is only 
on the conditional list. 

7. Even if food were on the free list, Great Britain would always be 
bound to rely on her own ships for bringing it to these islands. 

8. The free list secured by this instrument contains many articles 
necessary for our industries and manufactures, which, under its provi- 
sions, cannot be declared contraband in neutral ships. 

9. As regards the sinking of neutral prizes, only a vessel of which 
more than half the cargo is contraband can be sunk. 

10. As to the conversion of merchantmen into war vessels, the risk 
under the Declaration is no greater than before, and few merchant 
vessels possess sufficient speed to be worth converting. 

11. If the Declaration is not ratified, and Great Britain refuses to 
submit to restrictions for the benefit of neutrals, she will have to rely 
on more Dreadnoughts, and there will be an end to any policy of 
limitation of armaments and arbitration. 


1. Great Britain stands to lose more than any other country by any 
limitation of naval action. 

2. The Declaration cannot put an end to competition in armaments, 
but can and will prejudice Britain in such competition. 

8. It is equally prejudicial to naval and to mercantile interests. 

4. It gravely threatens the food supply of the kingdom in time of 

6. Even a weaker naval Power, without maintaining an effective 
blockade of this country, might so affect the supply of foodstuffs from 
abroad as to paralyse its action in a great emergency. 

6. Such emergency might arise owing to the provisions of the Declaration 
regarding the treatment of food as contraband of war, the conversion of 

Mr. Balfour, London Chaihber of Commerce, June 27, 1911. 


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merohantmen into cruisers upon the high sefts, and the oaptore and 
sinking of neutrals. 

7. Provisions for appeal against infractions of the Declaration are 
useless. Converted merchantmen would properly and naturally run all 
risks to strike an effective hlow in a great national emergeney. 

8. Granted for the sake of argument that the free list of the Declaration 
is advantageous in respect of material for manufactures, of vdiat advantage 
is the provision of such material to a starving people? 

9. The contention that other countries do not possess many merchant- 
men sufficiently speedy to justify conversion is notoriously untenable. 
Germany possesses many such ships. 

10. Great Britain, as an island Power, can only bring pressure to bear 
upon belligerents by blockading the enemy, and by the seizure of vessels 
with their cargoes. The Declaration therefore obviously and conspicuously 
hampers a blockading Power. 

11. Great Britain has properly and necessarily refused to agree that 
private property shall not be liable to capture, on the ground that she 
can only put pressure on a belligerent by attacking the great lines of 
communication across the seas. It follows that Great Britain should 
refuse to ratify the Declaration, which is opposed to the attitude rightly 
taken up in respect of the right of capture of private property. 

12. Any converted merchantman after ratification of the Declaration, 
could, when we are next at war, take any neutral vessel carrying food to 
a port in Great Britain, which the commander of the converted merchant- 
man chose to consider to be a base of supplies, and sink it ; and under the 
Declaration almost any port might be so described. 

13. In short, while international public opinion has hitherto condemned 
the sinking of neutrals, or the destruction of foodstuffs as contraband, 
under the Declaration such action merely comes up for judgment before 
an international tribunal after the war is over. The Declaration is 
therefore, from the point of view of international law, a retrograde step. 


The Ck>lonies and Imperial Defence. By P. A. 8ilbum. 

Our Navy for a Thousand Years. By Captain S. Eardley Wilmot. 

The Briton's IB'irst Duty. By G. F. Shee. 

Influence of Sea Power on the French Bevolution. By Captain Mahan. 

The Ocean Empire, its Dangers and Defence. By Gerard Fiennes. 

The Naval Annual. By Hon. T. A. Brassey (Viscount Hythe). 

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THE everlasting problem of the British Army yet remains 
to be solved. If Great Britain is to fight Continental 
Powers on the Continent, she must have an anny on the 
same scale and of the same character as Continental forces, 
or at any rate large enough to help in upholding the balance 
of power in Europe, with a strong potential reserve. But Con- 
tinental armies are primarily destined for the defence of their 
own countries, while the defence of this country devolves in 
the first instance upon its fleet. In our case the Army is 
primarily intended to hold India and to garrison various 
strategic points all over the world, and we must have a 
sufficient mobile force for this purpose, which we call the 
Expeditionary Force. 

Function of thb Abmy. 

But we must also have enough troops to defeat such hostile 
expeditions as may elude the vigilance of the fleet, which it 
is assumed will be sufficient to command the seas. This is 
the position adopted by Lord Haldane, who has held the 
position of Secretary of State for War almost longer than any 
of his predecessors, and has been sadly hampered in his 
efforts to create an improved army by the continuous attacks 
of Socialists, Nationalists, Labour Members, and peace*at-any- 
price Radicals, who were, and are, a formidable proportion 
of the supporters of the Governments of the late Sir Henry 
Campbell-Baimerman and of Mr. Asquith. 

Another school, so far, probably because the conditions are 
concealed and not explained, without much support in the 
country, includes in the requirements of Great Britain an army 

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sufficient to mwitain the balanoe of power in, ftii4 to prevent 
any one Continental nation aoqoiring the hegomony of, Eorope. 
Unless, for instance, England could send a force to help France 
against aggression on the part of Gtermany, before the Bussian 
Army could come to her aid, the arms of England would not 
avail to save France, unless she was strong enough to face 
Germany alone and unaided. Nor would any but our regular 
forces at present be equal to this duty. 

Position of Qsbmany. 

A new feature in the situation, which will soon compel even 
this careless country to reconsider its position, is the startling 
naval development of other Continental Powers, and pre^ 
eminently of the greatesii of these, Germany, wherein there 
has also been an equal increase in the tonnage and carrying 
capacity of merchantmen. While Germany, on land and sea, 
at home and abroad, has advanced by leaps and boimds, the 
development of France has been arrested by socialistic and 
democratic developments and by a stationary population, and 
Bussia, with which Empire also Great Britain has entered into 
friendly relations, has suffered serious reverses at the hands 
of Japan. It is too late. to consider whether the preventfon 
of the dominance of any particular Power in the concert of 
Europe is a part of the policy of this country. The assertion 
of this once cardinal principle would entail a challenge to 
Germany over her ship-building programme, which neither 
party in the State is prepared to give, and which it would 
be impossible to give, in the present state of public opinion 
in England, so far as such can be judged by the results of 
general elections. 

The alliance of Germany is courted because, as Austria has 
lately learnt, she is ready to throw her sword into the scale, 
and it is noliorious that the reverse is at present the case with 
England, a fact which renders her alliance of comparatively 
little value. 

The Germans are self-sacrificing and patriotic, even the 
Socialists .among them renouncing with soom the inter- 

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nationalist and unpatriotio attitude with whioh Socialists 
in England have unfortunately made us familiar. 

Without indulging in any altruistic dreams of the efficacy 
of arbitration, the Germans are content to deal with the 
world as it is, and they may well reflect that a nation which, 
amidst the clash of preparing arms, is dreaming of perpetual 
peace, is not likely to resist the Kaiser's armaments as she 
once resisted those of France and Spain. 

True it is that the geographical position of Germany, and 
the insular conditions of England, which, moreover, lies across 
all the sea routes of German trade, enable the latter to hold 
her own in spite of her military inferiority so long as, and 
only so long as, she possesses a paramount Navy. But 
England might well remember the case of Athens, *' the rapid 
loss of whose new conquests after 447 B.C.. proved that she 
lacked a sufficient land army to permanently defend her 
extensive frontiers."* 

Triple Entente. 

However litUe comfort may be found in the attitude of the 
British democracy towards the question of defence, we may be 
permitted to feel a certain amount of what our neighbours call 
schadenfreude in considering the strategic position of Germany, 
situated between France and Russia. The French Army is in 
far better condition than the French fleet, and the Russians, 
unlike ourselves, are sparing no pains to profit by the lessons 
of their latest war. If the Triple Entente really meant 
business, like the Triple Alliance, Grermany would be between 
the devil and the deep sea. The question is. Does the Triple 
Entente mean business ? Can we and would we send a force 
to help France if attacked by Germany, or would Germany 
overwhelm her neighbour to the South before the Russians 
could bring their vast army from the North into the field ? 
Does acquaintance with the temper of the British democracy 
inspire a definite and decided answer in the affirmative to these 
searching questions? So far as numbers go, we could im- 
mediately dispatch our expeditionary army of, according to 
* " Encyclopsddia Britannioft," 11th edition, vol. ii. p. 842. 

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latest figures, 186,000, bat probably not really in esoeas of 
150,000, m^i to aid oar close friend bat not qaite ally? Bat 
shoald we do it ? If our allies feel we should, Aen we are still 
a great, if not the greatest, feature in maintaining the balanee 
of power in Europe. Again, shall we increase oar striking 
forces as our Empire increases in wealth and population ? At 
present he would be a bold man who would answer in the 


At any rate it is of vital import that no interferenee shoald 
be allowed with the principles upon which the expeditionary 
force is recruited and maintained. 

It is folly to suppose that any less time than two years' 
service with the colours will suffice for men who are to 
compete on even terms with Oontinental armies. While 
Germany takes two or three years — and we know that the 
Britirii public will not yet agree to compulsory service for 
home defence — ^the practical problem is to increase and improve 
the Begular army we have, which was most anlortnnately 
reduced in 1906>7 in deference to Socialist and Badical 

The policy which inspired the creation of the Temtorial 
Army postulates the assumption that our naval supremacy 
is maintained at least in home waters, and that the Territorials 
will be embodied and undergo training before the expedi- 
tionary force has left the country, which is hardly possible. 
The Territorials then assume that the Navy will destroy any 
hostile expedition of over 70,000 men, and that they can 
defeat invaders who number less thaa that figiure, with the 
help of the ei^editioni^ force. 

The figure 70,000 is that of the Defence Committee, but 
it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that invasion in far 
larger numbers may be effected, unless everything happened 
to suit ourselves and nothing chanced to favour the enemy. 

It is not clear how maity Territorials are required lor the 
defence of the country, but it is certain that the nomdbers 
Lord Haldane wanted and expected have not come forward, 


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and the confident assertion that the country cannot be invaded 
is not eminently calculated to inspire its manhood with a 
strong feeling of the necessity for coming forward in its 
defence. It is, too, very uncertain that the Territorial force 
can be maintained even at its present inadequate strength 
without some form of compulsion, while there appears to 
be an urgent necessity that the expeditionary force should be 
increased if the position of Great Britain as a world-Power 
is to be maintained. Compulsory cadet training should at 
once be introduced, and means taken to instruct the country 
as to its true position, and to awaken it to the fact that its 
military necessities are such as can never be satisfactorily 
met under existing conditions. In the opinion of Lord Roberts 
a million trained men are required to defend the country and 
provide a suitable reserve. 

OuB Land Pbontiebs. 

At the present day the British Empire has a land frontier of 
many thousands of miles in Africa, Asia, and America, and 
British territory now marches with great Powers, not only with 
buffer States. The case has greatly altered since the wars of 
the eighteenth century were waged, and not by any means in 
our favour. 

We are at present the greatest Continental Power in the 
world, marching from 18,000 to 20,000 miles in three con- 
tinents with seven of the nine greatest military Powers of 
the day. 

Nor has any nation in Europe yet reduced its army because 
it is on good terms with a contiguous country. Bather do all 
recognise the often proved fact^ that international agreements 
are of an ephemeral and imdependable character, often 
**breve8t" and sometimes also ** infatistos,** like the loves of 
the Roman people. 

TuBEiSH Abmy. 

A new and disturbing factor in present-day European politics 
is the reappearance of the Turkish Army upon the scene. It 
is believed that the Young Turks can place 300,000 well-armod 

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men in the field, and that they aim at being able to mobilise 
four or five times that nmnber. 

The raw material of the Turks was always amongst the best 
in the world, and their army may yet prove a very formidable 
factor in Eastern Europe and Western Asia, and perhaps also 
and above all in Western Europe, if they enter, as now appears 
probable, into close relations with Germany. The Bussians, in 
the Trans-Caucasus, and the British, in Egypt, ofifer a vulner- 
able front to Turkey, and the senseless and sentimental attacks 
made upon her administration in Parliament, at a time when 
she had Arabian, Albanian, and Macedonian troubles on hand, 
cannot but exasperate and emphasise all possible points of 
difference, to some of which attention is drawn elsewhere in 
this work. 

Defence Pboblem. 

The defence problem is now far more diflScult and complex 
both in Europe and India than it was in previous periods of 
our history. There is the steady march of Germany, already 
noticed, and our garrison in India, fixed after the Mutiny in 
order to secure the safety of our fellow-countrymen and women, 
has not been augmented, while the population of India has 
increased by 120 millions, and our Eastern possessions have 
enormously expanded in area. 

The increase of armaments in modern nations cannot be 
regarded as proof of barbarism, for it coincides with their 
increase in comfort and wealth. On the other hand, weakness 
in Prance spelt loss of provinces, of milliards, and death and 
disaster, though never unpatriotism and despair. 


We should have learnt from the Busso-Japanese War of the 
indispensable necessity for co-operation between Army and 
Navy, of the necessity for patriotism by which limitless heroism 
is inspired, and of the power of Bussia by means of a single 
line of railway to despatch and keep in the field an army of 
four hundred thousand men many thousands of miles from 
its base. 

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Although we are at present on friendly terms with Russia 
we must not forget that good relations may not always exist, 
we must remember that the lesson of Manchuria is not likely 
to be wasted on a Power which possesses railway communica- 
tion from Orenburg to Tashkent, and from Krasnavodsk to the 
actual borders of Afghanistan, and on through the Central Asian 
Khanates. In fact, Russia has two lines of communication by 
railway, and two advanced feelers actually abutting on the 
Afghan frontier. 

The Orenburg-Tashkent railway can carry twelve pairs of 
trains in twenty-four hours, and it is a strategic line of first- 
rate importance. Su]^lies can usually be obtained from 
Western Siberia, and the distance from the base at which 
operations would be carried on is about one-third of that 
between Russia proper and Manchuria. Herat, at any rate, 
could be carried without the slightest difficulty, and then 
Northern Afghanistan would be at the mercy of the invader. 


Nevertheless, the reduction of the army in India is con- 
tinually urged in Parliament owing to the existence of the 
entente with Russia ; and while these pages are being written 
the Under-Secretary of State for War declares in the House of 
Commons " that the Government, while not contenq)lating any 
reduction of the British forces serving in India, are fully pre- 
pared to consider favourably the proposals that the Government 
of India may find it in their power to make for effecting such 
readjustments in the Native Indian units, with a view to 
economy, as could be carried out without loss of efficiency 
to the army in India as a whole." * 

The discovery that there are regiments in the Indian Army 
so inefficient as to be useless, just at the moment when the 
finances of the country are adversely affected by the opium 
policy, and at a time when advanced English-educated Indians 
are clamouring for the Indian analogue of that many-headed 
creature social reform, is, to say the least, suspicious. Lord 

* House of Oommons, Parliamentary Debates, May 31, 1911, vol. 26, 
p. 1078. 

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Kitchener at any raiie gave no hint to this e£Feot when he 
left India. 

LoBD Haldane's Policy. 

Lord Hiddane has succeeded in organising a home defence 
army on scientific lines, but has under the circumstances been 
unable to endow it with sufficient training, and if it is necessary 
to call up the Territorial army for six months' training after 
mobilisation has taken place, it must be admitted that their 
annual training and the resulting expense is to a great extent 

Lord Haldane lays down certain basic principles for dealing 
with the problem. The first is that the command of the sea is 
the foundation of our home defence, and as the Navy must be 
sufficient to maintain such command, the Army must not be 
made so expensive as to starve it. The suggestion is that the 
country cannot stand the expense oi a first-rate navy and a 
first-rate army. 

To supplement the Navy an army is, however, needed, a 
striking force probably destined to act far from home, a highly 
trained, professional, and necessarily volunteer, army. We 
need, therefore, a second line for home defence to deal with 
any small forces which may slip through our naval defences, 
or to compel the enemy to send a force so big that it cannot 
escape the notice of our fleet. The old myth that even a 
dinghy-load of men could not be landed is now exploded, and 
for some reason or other it is assumed that 70,000 men would 
or might come, and that it would take them no less than three 
weeks to embark in no less than 150 vessels. It would seem 
as if Lord Haldane almost accepted these highly debatable 
premisses. He holds at any rate that the second line army must 
be a citizen force, and therefore created the Territorials, consist- 
ing of fourteen divisions and fourteen mounted brigades, of which 
five-sixths were enlisted in two years. He contests the truth 
of the statement that this army cannot take the field unless it 
has six months' embodied training following on mobilisation, 
and urges that they could earli^ take the field when stiffened 
by some regular units and some special reservists. " Can it 

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be/' he asks, '* that we have not 315,000 young men sufficiently 
patriotic to come forward, though we have not the population 
required for recruiting an army on the Continental scale for 
home defence?" The National Service League would sub- 
stitute 80,000 men less trained than his special reserve for that 
body, and in place of the Territorials 320,000 men compulsorily 
enlisted and trained for four months, for which 5,000 officers 
would be required in order to train 150,000 annual recruits. 

The Tbrritobial Abmy. 
The Territorial soldier enlists for four years and must be 
seventeen years old. In his first year he does forty drills of an 
hour each and from a week to a fortnight's camp. In the 
next three years he does ten drills of an hour, and the same 
amount of camp. The minimum number of rounds fired is 
twenty-three, an absurdly small number, the whole training is 
obviously altogether insufficient to make any sort of soldier, 
and about 100,000 either failed to qualify or did not fire 
at all. The Territorials are not, of course, recruited for 
service outside the United Kingdom, but they are liable to 
embodiment at home up to the age of thirty in cases of 
national emergency. It is proposed, however, to give these 
forces six months' training after the outbreak of war, and 
it is officially admitted that they are not fit for their func- 
tions till they have had such training. How, then, are 
they to repel raids, short, sharp, and unexpected, free 
the Regular army for operation abroad, and the Navy to 
seek out and destroy the enemy in his own waters? It is 
obvious they cannot, and that our army and navy would be 
paralysed by the necessity for protecting these islands, and 
that even with the highest bounties again given, and with 
reductions of standards, as in the past, the necessary forces 
could not be improvised. The age of recruitment, eighteen for 
Regular army, is, moreover, too low, lower than that of other 
nations, and the requirements and measurements fall short of 
a desirable standard, in spite of which our system is as much 
more costly, as it is more unsatisfactory, than that of com- 
pulsory service nations* 

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The whole assumption upon which the advocacy of the 
Territorials rests is that the fleet will be so powerful that even 
if half be absent, the remainder will avail to deal with the 
strongest fleet of the enemy, as well as to prevent the landing 
of a hostile force, but we well know that this is hardly the 
position at present, when Germany and her allies have 
seventeen and we have only twenty-five Dreadnoughts com- 
plete or in course of construction. 

The general idea of the Territorial army was to amalgamate 
existing auxiliary levies into one homogeneous body in place of 
the separate forces, representing separate interests and serving 
on different terms, which previously existed, and important 
new features are the decentralisation of administration and 
organisation and the creation of the local County Associations. 

The system postulates, as General French said, that it is 
the bounden duty of every able-bodied young man to take part 
in the defence of his country, and the National Service League 
would begin with Boy Scouts, Cadets, and Boys' Brigades, so 
that from the outset the youth of the country may appreciate 
their duties as patriotic citizens. 

Among the causes which have militated against successful 
recruitment for the Territorial army are the absence of a paid 
and permanent recruiting staff, the conditions of service, 
which are, probably without sufficient reason, regarded as too 
strict, the refusal of separation allowances to married privates, 
and perhaps more than all the widely expressed opinion that 
the force is of little use and not a serious factor in our 

And in fact of 275,000* enlisted not less than 100,000 are 
boys under 20 — too often town-bred rather useless lads — an 
equal number has failed to qualify in musketry, and under 
10,000 have volunteered for foreign service. 

Even those who are most sanguine regarding the future of 
the Territorials must admit that they need more money and 
more time for training officers and men, and that if they do not 
get more time and money, that which is already expended 
upon them is only too likely to prove wasted. 

• Now 268,453. Colonel Seely, House of CoimnonB, August 9, 1911. 

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The canses of the deficiency in the numbers of the Terri- 
torials have been concisely summarised by the Military 
Correspondent of The Times, and are given below.* 


In the minds of most practical men the conviction grows 
that safety lies only in compulsory military training for home 
defence, however small appears at present the chances of its 

So virulent and unreasoning was the opposition in Parliament 
to elementary training in defence of the country, that the 
military and educational d^artments of the Government of 
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had to climb down when the 
International Arbitration League '< protested against the 
teaching of rifle-shooting in elementary schools, and sincerely 
hoped that a progressive Government did not intend to 
authorise or permit boys in State-aided schools to be 
instructed in the art of shooting, only calculated to brutalise 
youths, by developing in them the fighting instinct, and 
strengthening their combative nature ! ** 

It is difficult to understand how any body, including, as it 
must, men who have had to make their way in the world, 
could have assented to a resolution, drawn in terms which 
would justly provoke the ridicule of any assembly of public- 
school boys. 

* « On the subject of the causes of the present deficiency, and upon that 
of remedies, opinion is much divided. The main causes of the deficiency 
probably are : Inadequate public spirit due to our failure to educate youth 
in tiie duties and responmbilities of State citizenship ; want of convinced 
bdief and of sustained interest in the Force on the part of the upper and 
upper middle classes, a majority of whom are adherents of the National 
Service League; evasion of all duties relating to defence by the lower 
middle classes ; good trade and the busy life of 99 per cent, of the popula- 
tion leading to the employer difficulty, which is increasingly serious; 
ih« counter-attraction of emigration on the one hand and of the varied 
amusements of the people on the other ; a growing sense among the rank 
and file that they are out of pocket by joining the Force ; dissatisfaction 
with headquarters in many cases ; and lastly the pauperising influence 
of modem legislation, which tends to discourage individual effort and to 
throw all burdmit upon the State."— T^ Times, November 20, 1911. 

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Lord Haldaoe's scheme is a last efftMrt to fulfil our require- 
menia by volantary reeraiting, and unless it be considered to 
have pxoyed a success we are ahready face to face with the 
necessity for some tonn of compulsion, for permanently to 
maintain the position that loyal and respectable citizens should 
take upon themselves the whole burden of the defence of the 
Empire, while idle and conscienceless loafers look on, will 
{HTove in the long run imposdble. 

Oitr most eminent and most experienced soldiers do not 
I«etend to accej^ the soothing conclusions published broad- 
cast on behalf of the anti-mihtary party, and of those who 
have succumbed not to their arguments, but to their votes. 

Lord Bobebts's Opikion. 

In the offfiiion ot Keld-Marshal Lord Boberts* an invading 
force is as likely to be 150,000 as 70,000 strong, and in either 
case he does not see how the Territorials are to get sufficient 
tnuning after the outbreak of war, if, as is certain to be the 
case under the present system, they do not get it before that 
event. He does not think that untrained men are of any use, 
and it is his deliberate opinion that while other nations are 
daily and steadily becoming singer this country is daily and 
steadily losing ground. He believes that while tiie margin of 
safety at sea is rapidly disappearing, war when it comes will 
find us totally unprepared. In reply to this argument it is 
urged that the expense of a large army is prohibitive and that 
it would in any case be impossible to provide officers for such, 
as a sufficient number cannot be obtained for our present 
forces, that the voluntary system has now supplied an ex- 
peditionary force, a Special Reserve, and a Territorial army, 
comprising in all 580,000 men, that the voluntary system is 
not bankrupt, and that the country in any case will not stand 
coQipulsion. Lord Haldane fully accepts, as probably all 
others would in his place, the truth of the latter argument at 
any rate, and he has succeeded in rousing wide interest in 
national defence and military organisation, and in this alone, 
to say nothing of other respects, has rendered great service to 
* House of Lords, April 4, 1911. 

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the nation. It is admitted by Lord Roberts, a somewhat 
hostile critic, that the Special Reserve, now enlisted for foreign 
sendee, is in that respect an improvement on the old militia ; 
but there is a general consensus of opinion that the two chief 
shortcomings of the old system revealed by the Royal 
Commission have not been overcome. These are the want 
of a sound system of expansion and the insufficient training 
of the home army. Nor can it be regarded as other than a 
retrograde and unfortunate measure that the Regular army 
was reduced by Sir Henry Oampbell-Bannerman's Govern- 
ment by about 18,000 men,* while the Territorials have not 
come within 50,000 of the number laid down as a minimum at 
the outset. Not that a full tale of Territorials would have 
atoned for the loss of so many of our best men, trained 
material, not easily replaced. No great nation could afford 
to reduce such valuable factors in the defence of the country, 
in order to swell the ranks of the unemployed, and gladden 
the heart of the paid agitator, whose hands are never idle, 
whose voice is never silent, whose employment never fails. 

Sir Ian Hamilton's Views. 

Much interest has been excited by the contentions of 
General Sir Ian Hamilton, ex-Adjutant-General of the 
Forces, regarding the incompatibility of the scheme of the 
National Service League with the necessary recruitment 
for the expeditionary army. 

General Hamilton argues that compulsory service is in- 
spired by the spirit of conservatism, and voluntary service 
by the spirit of expansion and self-confidence, and that on 
this account the adventurous impulse of Imperialism and 
the appreciation of the romance of war — in fact, the true 
animus of a professional army — can only find legitimate 
expression in the voluntary service system. Compulsory 
service is, he says, less civilised than voluntary service, and 
statesmen under the former plan are constantly sacrificing 
important ambitions on the altar of home defence 1 This 

* With the addition of the resulting reserves the figure rises to upwards 
of 80,000. 

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argnment is extremely difficult to follow, and amounts to 
little more than an assertion, which the recent records of 
compulsory service nations, with Germany at their head, 
sufficiently refute. 

General Hamilton thinks compulsory service the natural 
outcome of the specialisation of modern life. One class fights, 
and the other class pays. Hence, he says, the masses of the 
nation regard wars too lightly, and are encouraged to run 
risks in home defence, rather than abate by one square mile 
their Imperial pretensions! Again this argument appears 
singularly inconclusive and stands in need of some concrete 
illustration. Is there any proof an3rwhere that a compulsory 
citizen army regards war as a thing to be rashly and lightly 
undertaken? England is a voluntary service nation, and 
certainly its present attitude hardly points towards high 
Imperial pretensions, or to a disposition to regard war as 
a national activity to be encouraged. Bather is it regarded 
as a calamity to be avoided at all costs. Nor will the ordinary 
reader follow General Hamilton when he describes Prance 
and Germany as nations overshadowed by an imminent peril 
from which Great Britain is immime, or be at all ready to 
accept the position that a compulsory army becomes inefficient 
in proportion as the idea of conquest dominates the idea of 
defence. If, as he says, not German soldiers but Bismarck 
fought for Alsace-Lorraine, it must be remembered that the 
German Empire got Alsace-Lorraine, and that the German 
soldiers fought like heroes, and with no doubt of the justice 
of the national cause. And when he argues that a voluntary 
expeditionary force cannot be maintained alongside a com- 
pulsory home defence army, he forgets that France actually 
maintains alongside her conscript army a practically voluntary 
foreign service force of 56,000 men, of^ whom 28,000 are 
serving abroad. 

General Hamilton denounces, disparages, and demolishes 
the National Service League scheme of compulsory service 
on a militia basis in the place of Territorials and Special 
Eeserve, but under the League's scheme, at any rate an army 
of 400,000, with^ reserve of 600,000 men, could be obtamed. 

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Oeneral Hamilton tiiinks that members of this force would not 
re-enlist for the Regular army, thai the classes which now fill 
the regular ranks would find sufficient work in the summer 
under the National Service League scheme, and that recruiting 
for the regular arms would dry up to such an extent as within 
two years to end in disaster. But the Territorials attract 
young men in regular emplo3rment and not the men out of 
work or in trouble, who can only enlist with advantage in the 
Regular army. Not that tiie latter when once enlisted do 
not learn to like the pleasant associations and good fellow- 
ship of military life, which they give up with sorrow, and to 
which, like the Surrey veterans, they are glad to return. So far 
is it from being true that compulsory training and service give 
men a distaste for military Hfe.'^ 

SoHBMB OF National Sbbvice DsAauE. 

The fact is that the Army Reserve and Special Reserve 
would hardly suffice to keep our expeditionary force up to 
strength during a campaign even of brief duration, whereas 
a home army such as is contemplated by the National Service 
League would enable us to deplete the country ol regulars and 
reserve, nevertheless leaving behind a proper provision for 
home defence. Nor is there any fear that such home defence 
army would not volunteer for service alMroad, as the experience 
of the South African War, when 50,000 militiamen volunteered, 
is sufficient to prove. On the other hand, the plight of this 
country can be readily imagined if when our navy and ex- 
peditionary force are needed elsewhere, they are tied to our 
shores by the insufficiency of our home defence army, as may 
well prove the case under the existing system. 

In answer to the argument that compulsory training would 
create a difficulty in recruiting for the Regular army, Mr. 
Fortescue's '* County Lieutenantcies and the Army" should 
be studied. He shows that between 1805 and 1813 out of 
227,510 recruits, 99,755 joined voluntarily from the militia, 
which was then raised on a compulsory basis. It should also 
be remembered that upwards of 44 per cent, of the special 
* Field-Marahal Lord Roberts at GoUdford, May, 1911. 

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reservists Tolanteered for the B^^olar army in 1908-10^ and 
that the old militia was notorioasly the best recroiting-gioand 
for the Begular army. Yet both these bodies midergo com- 
pulsory training. Again, the Japanese e^erienced no difficulty 
in sending to Manchuria, to fi^t like heroes, hundreds of 
thousands of soldiers raised by compulsion for home defence. 
The Naticmal Serrice League scheme, while it only proposes 
compulsory service for home defence, thereby liberates the 
voluntarily raised expediliicmary force, and the Navy, for their 
duties of attack and o&nce. This is a great feature, and 
Great Britain does not now occupy such a position of 
superiority compared with other Powers in respect of wealth, 
or exert such political influence as to be able to subsidise 
aUies in the day of trouble, as she did in the wars with 
Napoleon, nor do present conditions admit of such procedure. 
Everjrthing makes for anti-militarism ndierever democracy is 
in the ascendant. 

At present the State feeds, doctors, and caters for children 
who are brought up not to think what they can do for the 
State, but what the State can do for them ; not to consider 
how much better off they are than persons in similar positions 
in other countries, but how much more they can wring from 
the Government. And the average teacher in an ordinary 
school, if not quite, is, as a rule, something very near, a 

Education in Britaia deals solely with rights and not with 
duties, and when discipline and self-denial disappear dry-rot 
and decay replace them. National service is necessary to 
develop and brace up national character, no less than for 
the defence of the fatherland. 

Safety can only be found in the provision of an adequate 
home defence ; for even if we could stand, as we cannot, the 
continuous strain of keepiog up the two-Power naval stuidard 
against more populous nations, we could not man the number 
of ships we should in that case require. 

The National Service League advocates the replacement of 
the Territorial army by a national militia, or citizen army, 
because the former is d^eient in officers, men, ^uns, trans- 

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port, and artillery. It is difficult to see what object a retired 
veteran like Lord Roberts can have in misrepresenting a 
sitoation for which he himself cannot altogether be without 
responsibility, but it is easy to understand how difficult, 
indeed how impossible, it is for politicians to act with inde- 
pendence, and without regard for any considerations other 
than the public safety, when they are dependent upon the 
support of men abysmally ignorant of international conditions, 
who, in turn, depend upon voters, whose chief knowledge 
on these subjects, which they do not study for themselves, 
is derived from agitators, whose livelihood is the fruit of 

The main argument against the proposal for national service 
is that young men will be taken for the Citizen army at a time 
when they are wanted for the Regular army, and that their 
experience in the militia will not induce them to pass on to the 
regular forces. History, however, affords no confirmation of 
this position, and the class which joins the Regular, is not that 
which would fill the Citizen, army. Rather are they men who 
cannot get, or do not want, regular work, and for want of it 
are short of funds and food. Moreover, when in 1808 there 
was a scarcity of recruits, an Act for compulsory training was 
passed, after which the numbers who volunteered from the 
militia for service in the Regular army was greatly in- 

Universal military service must not be confounded with 
conscription. The former is a measure for peace, the latter a 
measure for war, and necessary as a last resort to fill the 
depleted ranks of an army. 

Conscription enables the rich to purchase a substitute for 
personal service, and really only survives in Spain, where it 
is rudely assailed, and in Portugal, where it is moribund. 

Some, like Sir Ian Hamilton, contend that volunteers fight 
better than the compulsorily recruited, and deny that the 
voluntary spirit which inspired this country is dying or dead. 
The answer to which is that upon the Continent larger and 
far more efficient armies are raised and maintained at a less 
cost upon the universal service system. 

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The views of the anti-compulsion school are based upon the 
fundamental fallacy that the military system must be shaped 
on political ideals, the fact being to the exact contrary, for if 
military systems are to be of any value whatever, they must be 
fashioned on steady principles to meet the end in view, and 
not to suit the fantastic and varied notions of changing Parlia- 
ments. It will be of little use to explain when we are defeated 
that we did the best we could consistently with proper respect 
for the views of the peace- at-any-price school and the Socialist 
contingent in the State. 

And even General Hamilton completely gives away his own 
case when he actually falls back as a last resort on a third 
line raised under the sanction of latent compulsion, like the 
Oarde Nationale, in order to legalise which he would introduce 
a Bill into Parliament. 

The pith and substance of the whole matter is found in the 
Beport of Lord Elgin's Commission to the effect that no 
military system will be satisfactory which does not contain 
powers of expansion outside the regular forces of the Crown,* 
and in the resolution of the Duke of Norfolk's Commission to 
the effect that the mihtia was unfit to take the field for the 
defence of the country, that the volunteers could with no 
prospect of success face the troops of Continental armies, and 
that an efficient home defence army can only be raised and 
maintained on the principle that it is the duty of every citizen 
of suitable age and sound physique to be trained to take part 
in the national defence.! 

The same criticism, of course, would apply to the Terri- 
torials, though their organisation is admittedly an improvement 
on that of the militia. 


All the schools allow that the Navy cannot complete its 
victories without the help of an army, and, if not all, most 
admit that we cannot defend the country with the certainty of 
success unless we can provide an army for use at home and 

• Cd. 1789 of 1903. 
t Cd. aoeiof 1904. 

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for warfare overseas. Those who hold that the inyasion of 
this country is impossible forget the landing of G^eraJ 
Humbert in 1798 in Co. Mayo, where he kept the field for 
seyenteen days, with hardly any artillery, no cavalry, and no 
base, at a time when it was believed that 40,000 troops with 
guns could without difficulty have been landed in Ireland. 

Members of this school also forget the failures of blockades in 
naval manoeuvres. Can we watch 1,200 miles of German coast 
so closely that a small squadron could not break through? 
Commissions have proved that even the success of an enemy 
at sea would not necessarily starve these islands into sub- 
mission, and that the enemy would be compelled to attempt 
an invasion. An intelligent enemy would therefore begin with 
that with which he must eventually end. 

But even in the days when blockades were more effectual 
than they can be made in this ^poch of mines and wireless 
telegraphy, Napoleon overran Europe, when he had not the 
command of the sea, and quite recently Japan sent her first 
army across to Kcarea befoi^e fighting the Russian fleet. 
Obviously, the United States might invade Canada, Russia, 
India, and Turkey, Egypt, without any interference from our 
navy, All these possessions might be taken from us in spite 
of our supremacy on the sea. It is madness to extend 
prlnoiples, good In roapact of insular, but bad in respect of 
Continental, countries, alike to continent and island. 

Why is the (act always forgotten that wdy one^uarter of 
our Empire, containing a fraction of our population, is insular 
\n oharaoter. and that « we lose our Continental possessions 
w^ shaU he ruined ? In truth, supremaey at sea is rektive and 
not absolute, and would not necessarily prevent the occurrence 
of a pan which might destroy the mercantile credit of 
this^country, huiU, as it is, upon a whoUy insufficient gold 

a^lnd even a sueoeaahil navy thei« mat be an adequate 
i^vmy to cmnplete and oonflm ik TkAoriea, and a po^ 
eminent army and navy gain for the fortunate cowitry which 
possesses thtwn such ot^eota as are otherwise aflected by the 
agt^woy v4 war and oonqueat. ^ 

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Ethics of Wab and Pbaob. 

Agitators and altruists forget that Buskin, a thoroughgoing 
Radical, said: — 

** We talk of peace and learning, of peace and plenty, and of peace and 
civilisation : but I found that these were not the words which the Muse 
of History coupled together, that on her lips the words were peace and 
sensuality, peace and selfishness, peace and death. I found, in brief, that 
all great nations learnt their truth and strength of thought in war : that 
they were nourished in war and wasted by peace, taught by war and 
deceived by peace: trained by war and betrayed by peace, in a word, 
that they were born in war, and expired in peace." 

They are now engaged in persuading the proletariat that 
war is necessarily a crime, that peace should be secured at 
any price, that patriotism is a tinkling cymbal, and a foreign 
master as good as our Sovereign Lord the King. 

The advocates of peace at any price rarely if ever abstain 
from citing in their own favour a well-known passage from 
Isaiah. But they carefully omit to read the chapter, or to 
quote its governing words. Nay rather, they wrest the text 
from its context, and never use it but to abuse. The prophet 
pictured a once powerful and favoured nation in the last stage 
of decay, decrepitude, and despair. " It shall come to pass in 
the last days,'' he said, when Jerusalem is ruined and Judah is 
fallen, "that they shall beat their swords into plowshares, 
and their spears into pruning-hooks : nation shall not lift up 
sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." * 
The neglect of a free people to arm for their defence was cited 
as the last proof of degradation, and there are nations in 
Europe among whom the same high standard is maintained to 
this day. It was only in the final day, at the last stage of 
national ruin, that this symptom appeared, which is regarded 
on the Peace and Ploughshare platforms as suitable for the 
greatest Empire in history at the height of its power and in 
the pride of its fullest growth. 

War has been described as the irreconcilable conflict of 
two national consciences. As Joubert said: <<C'est la force 

* Isaiah ii. 2, 4. 

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et le droit qui r^glent toutes choses dans le monde ; la force 
en attendant le droit." This philosophy justifies war in the 
present condition of the world and it leaves room for the 
hope that it may some day in the future be superseded, or 
at least diminished in its frequence, between nations of high 
and equal civilisation. 

But under present conditions ** Les . pacifistes/' says M. 
Ernest Denis with much force in his new book on the German 
Empire, '<sont les complices des conqu^rants, parce qu*ils 
sollicitent leurs cupidit^s en ^nervant les resistances." 

And Count Reventlow recently described England's proposals 
in respect of the limitation of armaments as an attempt to 
meddle in the affairs of another Power, with the result that 
she was making herself ridiculous. 

Nor were politicians of a different class and character slow 
to speak. 

The German national Labour leader stated in the Reichstag 
in March, 1911, that he was strongly opposed to any agree- 
ment to determine the state of the forces on either side, 
saying that Germany could as little conclude an agreement 
with Great Britain regarding naval construction as a man 
could agree with a boy regarding their rate of growth. Such 
an agreement would be an abdication of Germany's status as 
a great Power and a capitulation to Great Britain. 

The Germans maintain, in the words of their Ambassador in 
London in 1910, that, in order to secure the freest possible 
expansion of the economic power of the nation they were com- 
pelled to move out into the wide world and across the sea, that 
their national aspirations threatened no one, that while their 
army had preserved peace for them for forty years, the safe- 
guarding of steadily growing interests on the sea now called 
for a powerful fleet. "The ocean," Count Mettemich 
significantly observed, '< is free, and according to the con- 
ceptions of all civilised nations belongs to no single Power 

M. Clemenceau, late Prime Minister of Republican France, 
is an advanced Radical, but concluding his series of lectures at 
Buenos Aires with an address on " Democracy and War," he 

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expressed the opinion that, of view of the fact that it would be 
impossible to " balance " armaments, any attempt to reduce 
them would be the surest means of provoking war. There 
could be no hesitation, he thought, between the choice of 
peace on the one hand and, on the other, the humiliation 
of one's country. Everything possible to prevent war should 
be done, but it would be madness for any nation to disarm at 
a moment when the whole world was arming on land, on sea, 
and in the air. The democratic States were not bent on con- 
quest or aggression, but peace as well as war demanded action. 
M. Clemenceau thought with Tacitus, "miseram pacem vel 
hello bene mutari," but a Radical English GhanceUor of 
the Exchequer speaks of the "infamy of war" without 
qualification. * 

President Eoosevelt, the Pacificator of Japan and Russia, 
when he was presented by Sir Howard Vincent with the medal 
of the British Inter-Parliamentary Union, *' expressed the hope 
that unbroken peace might mark the future relations of the 
nations of the world ** and said, « the best way to secure peace 
is to learn to shoot straight." And on another occasion, while 
welcoming the prospect of a second Peace Conference at the 
Hague, he stated in the following terms the ethics of war and 
peace : — 

** It must ever be kept in mind that war is not merely justifiable, but 
imperative, upon honourable men, upon an honourable nation, where 
peace can only be obtained by the sacrifice of conscientious conviction or 
of national welfare. Peace is normally a great good, and normaUy it 
coincides with righteousness; but it is righteousness and not peace 
which should bind the conscience of a nation as it should bind the 
conscience of an individual. A just war is in the long run fax better 
for a nation's soul than the most prosperous peace obtained by 
acquiescence in wrong or injustice. Moreover, though it is criminii^ 
for a nation not to prepare for war, so that it may escape the 
dreadful consequences of being defeated, yet it must always be remem- 
bered that even to be defeated may be far better than not to have 
fought at all. As has been well and finely said, a beaten nation is not 
necessarily a disgraced nation ; but the nation or man is disgraced if 
the obligation to defend right is shirked. 

Mr, George at Bath, November 24, 1911, 

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" Fantastic extremists are not in reality leaders of the causes which they 
espouse, but are ordinarily those who do most to hamper the real leaders 
of the cause and to damage the cause itself. As yet there is no likelihood 
of establishing any kind of international power, of whatever sort, which 
can efEectively check wrongdoing, and in these circumstances it would be 
both a foolish and an evil thing for a great and free nation to deprive itself 
of the power to protect its own rights, and even in exceptional cases to 
stand up for the rights of others. Nothing would more promote iniquity, 
nothing would further defer the reign upon earth of peace and righteous- 
ness, than for the free and enlightened peoples deliberately to render 
themselves powerless while leaving every despotism and barbarism armed 
and able to work their wicked will. The chance for the settlement of dis- 
putes peacefully, by arbitration, now depends mainly upon the possession 
by the nations that mean to do right of sufficient armed strength to make 
their purpose effective.** 

These words may well be taken to heart in Oreat Britain, 
whioh seems too ready to forget that it was the knowledge of 
the inadequacy of our army which led the Boers to engage in 
hostilities with us in 1899. Had we been prepared for it, war 
would not have come. 

Abbiteation Treaty with America. 
Nor has Mr. Roosevelt's successor, Mr. Taft, omitted to 
rebuke the unpatriotic element in American politics. ** I am 
not in favour," said he, ** of making the United States a war- 
like nation, but I am in favour of a large Navy commensurate 
with the population, wealth, and interests that need protection 
against intervention by some meddling foreign Government." 
Mr. Taft evidently does not consider this attitude inconsistent 
with the promotion of an arbitration treaty with a friendly 
Power, for on August 3, 1911, during a thunderstorm, arbitra- 
tion treaties were signed in his presence "^ between the United 
States and Great Britain, and between the United States and 

« The Treaty whioh Mr. Knox and Mr. Bryce have negotiated preserves 
the principle of Commissions, and extends, indeed, its scope. Heretofore 
qnestions insoluble by diplomatio negotiations have either been left un- 
solved or in recent years have been submitted to The Hague Tribunal, and 
between diplomatic negotiation and reference to arbitration there has more 

* This awaits the ratification of the Senate and of Parliament. 

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than once been an awkward interval. Such, for instance, was the oaee 
over the Atlantic Fisheries dispute. To bridge that intenral, and to give 
the nations an opportunity of settling difficulties without the expenditure 
of money, time, and trouble, involved in a reference to The Hague, the 
new Treaty arranges for the appointment of an International 'Gom- 
mission of Inquiry' to deal with questions that diplomacy has failed 
to settle. This will consist of any nationals that the contracting parties 
like to appoint. There is no reference to membership of The Hague 
Tribunal as a qualification, and the Commission will settle disputes that 
may hereafter arise between the contracting Powers."* 

It is, of oourse, anticipated that in most cases the Commission 
will be able to arrive at a solution acceptable to both Govern- 
ments concerned. 

'* If it does not provide for unrestricted arbitration, the Treaty provides 
mechanism for the settlement * out of court * of practically all disputes 
that can reasonably arise between friendly nations. By omitting the 
clause which most similar arrangements at present contain, reserving 
from arbitration questions of national honour, but without necessarily 
including questions obviously unfit for arbitration, it can hardly but con- 
tribute to the cause of International goodwill; and while it has been drawn 
up with especial reference to Anglo-American relations, it has been the 
evident intention of the negotiators to make its terms universal enough to 
be susceptible of extension to other Powers. "f 

It is noteworthy that nothing can be referred to arbitration 
without the consent of two-thirds majority of the Senate, and 
that the Irish-Americans denounce this Treaty, as they did the 
earlier effort in the same direction of the Olney-Pauncefote 

Not only the Presidents of the United States, but the Presi- 
dents of smaller Bepublics also have not been backward in 
expressing their opinion of the folly of the policy of disarma- 
ment, which finds favour in Socialistic circles and with 
politicians depending on their votes in England. 

M. Muller, President of the Republic, said in the Swiss 
Chamber : — 

* ' History has shown us that nations which aJlowed their military strength 
to decline have perished. We are a smaU nation, and we are aiming at 

The Times, August 4, 1911. t Ibid. 


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peace. Nevertheless, we are desirous of keeping our independence, and 
for this purpose it is absolutely necessary to maintain our military power 
in the highest possible efficiency." 

SooiALiBM IN England and Fbance. 

Nevertheless, the Socialistic and unpatriotic dry-rot of anti- 
militarism spreads apace. France was once the greatest 
military Power on the Continent, but not only has there been 
an increase in the number of her young soldiers, who fail to 
join on the due date, but for the last twenty years an amnesty 
Bill has been passed in favour of deserters and recalcitrant 
reservists or recruits. 

Another disquieting feature in !EVance is the growth of anti- 
militarism in the large towns, the General Confederation of 
Labour being most concerned with this treasonable agitation, 
which was most vigorously denounced by the Prime Ministers, 
MM. Clemenceau and Briand. Unfortunately, what he calls 
international humanitarianism, is almost a religion with the 
primary school teacher in France, who, as too often is the 
case in Great Britain also, regards patriotism as no part of his 
creed, and gives it no place in his school curriculum. 

The Government of the Republic, however, cannot be blamed 
for this disastrous state of affairs. 

The arch agitator against national defence, M. Herv6, was 
sentenced not long since to one year's imprisonment, having 
escaped from several previous prosecutions, when the Socialist 
leader, M. Jaur6s, urged that England allowed her citizens to 
indulge in criticisms of Colonial policy at least as strong as that 
of the incriminating articles. It was on this occasion that the 
French Foreign Secretary, M. Pichon, said : — 

« The spectacle we are witnessing, the care with which the greatest 
nations of Europe are attending to their armaments, would alone suffice 
to put our patriotism on its guard. The sense we have of our duty, our 
knowledge of the laws of history, the necessity imposed upon us to show 
ourselves worthy of the great confidence we inspire and of the high 
authority we possess, to promote the ideas of which we are the guardians, 
ought to prevent us from allowing to collapse in our hands the instrument 
necessary for our defence and our power, blasphemed by an infinitesimally 
small but turbulent gang of spouters, buffoons, and featherheads.'* 

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No similar statement has yet been made by English Ministers, 
though equal provocation has not been wanting, and a repudiation 
of the disloyal speech and acts of agitators would be welcomed 
in all responsible quarters throughout the country. 

Seldom has a more comprehensively unjustifiable resolution 
been passed by any Parliament than that of our own, which 
declared in 1906 " that the growth of expenditure on armaments 
is excessive and ought to be reduced. Such expenditure lessens 
national and commercial credit, intensifies the unemployed 
problem, reduces the resources available for social reform, and 
presses with exceptional severity on the industrial classes." * 
Nor is there any foundation whatever for the resolution of the 
International Arbitration and Peace Society to the effect that 
expenditure on armaments is dragging all the great States of 
the world towards ruin. In fact, the expenditure of the United 
Kingdom has not increased in recent years in proportion to her 
resources. The charge for her army and navy represents an 
insurance of 3 per cent, on the annual income, and 0*4 upon 
the capital, now reckoned by statisticians to be twenty-two 
thousand millions. 

There is no sign in Germany that the people are crushed 
under military expenditure, which indeed all classes are 
patriotic enough to bear willingly, since they see that they 
are becoming prosperous in proportion to, and very largely in 
consequence of, their strength. 


It is extraordinary that economists who protest against any 
increase in the expenditure on the Army and Navy overlook the 
fact that most of that expenditure goes to support industry and 
labour in this country. Our annual expenditure under this 
head employs hundreds of thousands, subsidises a large sbip- 
building industry, and keeps our shipyards in constant occupa- 
tion, and in a state of efficiency. It is a matter of primary 
importance that the large dockyards on the Clyde, Tyne, and 
elsewhere should be maintained in a state of the highest 
efficiency by constant contracts. Warship construction is the 
* Parliamentary Debates, vol. 165, 1906, page 1416. 

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salvation of many districts, and airship construction in a less 
degree should afford employment to scientific men and to 
skilled artisans as soon as its importance is more generally 
appreciated. IVance and Germany lead the way, and the 
Coalition Government of Mr. Asquith has at length announced 
its intention of training selected ofiBcers and mechanics in 
aviation, making a grant in aid of their expenses, developing 
the Air Battalion, and purchasing airships with due regard to 
the rapid rate at which at present the latest designs become 
obsolete.* Perhaps in time attention will be given to the all- 
important question of the supply of ofiBcers, which remains 
stationary in the face of the steadily increasing demand, which 
results from the extension of the Empire. The pay of every 
one has been raised except that of the loyal British ofi&cer, who 
neither strikes nor agitates, but grumbles and does his duty. 
The Army affords most valuable employment to our upper and 
middle, as well as to our lower, classes, and steps must betaken 
to maintain the attractiveness of the service, especially at a 
time when salaries are being thrust upon unwilling Members 
of Parliament as a consequence of the dictation of the Socialist 
and Labour groups, and when paid ofi&ces are being created 
with alarming and unnecessary profusion. 

The greater portion of the expenditure on armaments cir- 
culates in our own country and amongst the labouring classes. 
Soldiers and sailors profit no more than the sellers of guns, 
rifles, swords, horses, saddlery, and a thousand and one 
other necessities. General disarmament would cause wide- 
spread ruin and hardship in the ranks of labour, and the 
British Navy and Army have not only maintained peace, but 
have given, and do give, work to hundreds of thousands of our 

Not only our home trade and industries would sufifer from 
reckless disarmament or reduction, but our Eastern trade 
would disappear, and 132 millions of British, and 80 millions 
of Indian, capital invested in India, would be imperilled or lost. 
We should, too, lose the wheat trade which supplies this 
country with bread. 

* Colonel Seely, in the House of Commons, July 19, 1911. 

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Expenditure on armaments must be regarded as an insurance 
against the great loss involved in a war, and the incomparably 
greater loss, involved in defeat. The total Army and Navy 
Estimates are certainly not excessive, and are proportionally 
about a third of what they were in 1830, when the volume of 
our trade then and now is taken into account. Under the 
voluntary system, however, the Army and Navy have to com- 
pete in the labour market in the ordinary way, and their pay 
has therefore to be raised to correspond with the increase in 
wages and the standard of comfort which is so marked a feature 
of our national life. 

The Germans appreciate the fact that the German army is, 
as the Prussian War Minister lately said, an entry on both 
sides of the account, and not only expenditure. That is 
equally true, of course, of naval and military expenditure in 
Britain, and Labour Members show that they are aware of the 
fact, which they deny collectively, when those of them, who 
represent dockyards and arsenals, loudly exclaim against any 
reduction, however small, in their individual constituencies. 

The same Prussian War Minister also urged the people 
never to forget the advantages which miUtary service con- 
fers in the way of health, discipline, and education, devotion 
to duty, and obedience and love of the Fatherland, saying, 
** The great progress which Germany had made in every sphere 
of activity is not due solely to victorious wars and the influx of 
wealth, but in a very large degree also to the education of the 
German people by universal service." 

The National Liberal leaders do not seriously contest this 
obvious fact, and Herr Basserman has pointed out that the 
increase in armaments is a burden that ought to be borne in 
the interests of the maintenance of peace and the protection of 
the whole system of trade and industry. Disarmament, he 
said, was doubtless an ideal, but Germany had to deal with 
certainties, and it was quite certain that the problem of inter- 
national agreement would not be solved in the near future. 
At present Austria was building Dreadnoughts, Bussia was 
strengthening and reforming her army, in America Ifhperialism 
was growing, and he need only mention Japan. The peace of 

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the world was saved by the might of Germany when she sided 
with Austria in the Balkan crisis of 1909. 

No tonic of this character has been administered by Liberal 
leaders to their followers in this country, though there is sore 
need for a recognition of the fact that there are weak joints in 
our domestic and Imperial armour. 

Colonies and Defence. 

Owing to the want of Imperial organisation in that behalf, 
the whole burden of home defence has hitherto rested on the 
Mother Country, and unless some concerted policy is adopted 
for future observance, nothing can prevent the dissolution of 
the Empire from within, even if, which is unlikely, it escapes 
dismemberment from without by a stronger Power. All over 
the world the British possess the best of everything, the 
coast and the fertile maritime tracts, leaving to other nations 
the comparatively valueless hinterland. It has now the 
greatest land frontier of any Empire or kingdom in the world, 
and unless it becomes far stronger than it appears to be in 
comparison with the strength of other great Powers in the 
almost immediate future, it cannot expect to be left to enjoy 
its great possessions in opulent and slothful ease. 

The Colonies themselves recognise the position, and Mr. 
Fisher, Premier of the Commonwealth Labour Government, had 
hardly landed in England in 1911 for the Coronation of King 
George Y., when he publicly repudiated the Socialist Labour 
Member Mr. Eeir Hardie's anti-military attitude, and said, 
« that if he himself stood by and saw Australia undefended, he 
would feel he had been criminally negligent of one of his first 
duties." Indeed, ** he regarded Imperial Defence as the most 
important point for Australia at the Imperial Conference," and 
stated the view of the Australian Labour Party to be that 
'' Australia must first be able to defend herself, before she could 
consider her share in a general Imperial Defence scheme." 

So clear is it that in the present condition of the world 
universal training or service are necessary to the independence 
of a natioh, that even the un warlike and war-despising Chinese 
are awakening, and a National Merchants Corps, inaugurated 

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in 1906 in Shanghai, has now nearly reached its full strength 
of 1,000, and will in no long time be raised to a strength of 
3,000 men.* The Chinese greet this novel movement with the 
utmost enthusiasm, and it is becoming recognised that it is the 
duty of the people to render military service, and that soldiers 
and soldiering will soon cease to be relegated to the lowest 
grade of the social hierarchy of the Middle Kingdom. And 
after all, what nobler, more elevating, and more democratic 
ideal can there be than that of an army consisting of young 
men of all classes daily devoting themselves to the same 
duties and making the same sacrifices ? What finer example 
of collectivism than a community of burdens in the hour of 
danger ? and what a contrast such an ideal affords with col- 
lective plunder, under the form of legislation, of the property 
or income of an unpopular or a politically hostile class? Surely 
universal military training is more democratic than fighting by 
proxy ; surely the democrat in Britain will not be content to be 
distinguished for all time from his brother in other countries 
by his unwillingness to defend his fatherland ! 

Abqumbnts Fob and Against a Small Abmt. 


1. Money spent on armaments is wasted. Germany is unlikely to attack 
England. Arbitration treaties are likely to increase and multiply, and 
war will vanish from the face of the earth. 

2. International interests are increasing, and social and financial interests 
render future wars improbable. 

3. English international influence is greatest because of her humani- 
tarian sympathies, and her influence is against war. 

4. The British people will never agree to compulsory service or training, 
and the Territorial army will suffice for the defence of the United 

6. The Territorial army could deal with an invading force of 70,000 
men, and no greater force could elude the vigilance of the Navy. In 
Continental wars Great Britain cannot, and should not, take part. 

6. The scheme of the National Service League for compulsory training 
is incompatible with recruitment for the Begular army. 

• The Times, June 3, 1911. 


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7. Ciompulsory service lacks the adventurouB impulse whi^h animates 
a voluntary army. 

8. No country can afford to have a large army and a flrsi^lass navy, 
and Great Britain must do without the former as the latter Is a vital 

9. The waste of money on armaments prevents the progress of social 
reform, and makes internal improvement impossihle. 

10. The expenditure upon the Navy is already about 3 per cent, of the 
value of our trade, and nearly one-fifth of our income. 

11. England is practically inmiune from invasion. Why throw away 
this advantage by maintaining a large army, such as nations must, who 
are liable to this disaster? "The serious invasion of these islands is 
not an event we need seriously consider."* 

12. After making necessary deductions for garrison and local defences, 
we have a sufficient field army of about 120,000 men available to deal 
with an invading force. 

13. The greatest military Power of the Oontinent, Germany, is a 
friendly kindred Power possessing the same civilisation, the same ideals 
and standards as ourselves. She is of all nations the most unlikely to 
make war upon us. 

14. The Territorials, who are about the number of the old Volunteers 
and Yeomanry, which cost £1,971,000, already cost £2,650,000, and will 
cost twice this sum when properly equipped. The expenditure upon the 
existing forces is almost prohibitive, and cannot be increased. 

15. As nations become convinced that military force does not deter- 
mine economic power, the necessity for great armaments disappears, and 
this conviction grows apace. It is obvious to all that the Hollander and 
the Swiss are better oft than the German and the Austrian, that they 
receive equal consideration in the world's markets. 

16. Wealth consists in the activity of the people. Germany, if it took 
England, would perforce let everything go on as before. A blow to 
England's would be a blow to her own credit, and a greater blow. 

17. It is better business to have a good market than an exclusive 
economic advantage.! 

18. If you desire peace, you must prepare for peace. 

19. All questions including, as is now admitted, those of national 
honour, can best be settled by arbitration. 

20. When immunity of private property at sea is established, for 
which a great majority of delegates at last Hague Conference voted, 
Germany will no longer continue to build against England, and the 
latter's naval and military strain will at once be relaxed. Our own 
commerce is open to attack at sea like that of other Powers, and we 
should agree to abolish the right of capture. 

• Mr. Balfour, April, 1905. 

t Mr. N. AngeU, at Sphinx Club, May 5, 1911. 

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1. Uoiyersal peace is a dream ; the German Navy can only be directed 
against England, and has no other raison tTitre, War is with difficulty 
avoided at the very moment when certain nations are negotiating arbitra- 
tion treaties. 

2. The international attitude is scorned even by the Socialists of the 
Continent, and is almost peculiar to the British brand of Socialist. France 
is no less vehement than Germany in her repudiation of these disloyal 

3. England's alliance is little valued because she is known to be unwilling 
to fight, or unable at present to overcome the reluctance of the peace-at- 
any-price party. 

4. The Territorial army has been denounced by most distinguished and 
independent soldiers, expeoially by Lord Roberts,! as wholly inadequate, 
and therefore a positive danger to the coxmtry. 

5. There is no reason why a larger force than 70,000 should not slip 
across the North Sea, as half the fleet might be absent in other parts of 
the world. Even the whole fleet might conceivably be eluded. 

6. Lord Boberts and other distinguished soldiers hold that compulsory 
training would rather stimulate than impede recruitment for the Regular 

7. Records of compulsory service in Germany and Japan sufficiently 
refute the argument that compulsorily raised forces lack the enthusiasm 
and staying power of a voluntary army. 

8. Expenditure on the Army and Navy results in employment of multi- 
tudes of British subjects, and supports innumerable trades and industries, 
including some of the most important in the country. 

Reduction and disarmament would not only create unemployment 
and disorganise industry, but would result in the loss of our Eastern 
trade, and of British capital invested in India. 

9. The other party to an arbitration award will only abide by it if we 
are strong, and will reject it, if we are weak. 

10. Social reform comes after safety. A house must be certain to stand 
before it can be made comfortable inside. 

11. The Army has not increased proportionately to the increase of the 
Empire in extent, wealth, and population. 

12. It has not increased relatively to the increases in military strength 
of other Powers. 

18. The British Empire is not an island, but has a vast land frontier to 
defend, nor can war be won or ended by merely defensive action. We are 
also practically pledged by treaty to offensive action in favour of guaranteed 
Powers, such as Belgium. 

• The Times, JxHy 22, 1911. 
t House of Lords, April 4, 1911. 

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U. If Germany acquired Holland and Belgium, which, without an army 
we could not prevent, she would at once be in a position to destroy our 
sea power. 

16. The Army must be sufficiently large to give strategic freedom to the 
Navy by relieving it of the duty of home defence. 

16. The expenditure on the Navy in 1801 was 18 per cent, of the value of 
our trade. The function of the Army becomes more important as the naval 
defence becomes less in proportion to the value of our trade. 

17. If a home defence army is required, it must be able to deal 
successfully with any troops to which it is likely to be opposed.* 

18. Lord Wolseley asserted his '* belief in the possible invasion of 
England.*'! So does General von der Goltz, who writes : " It is incorrect 
to consider an invasion of England to be chimerical or irrealisable."{ 

19. Mr. Balfour said in 1909 that the Committee of Defence had then 
come to think that we must be prepared for an invasion of 70,000 men.§ 
Germany has ample transport for this number. 

20. Mr. Asquith said on the same occasion that we must have a home 
army adequate to repel raids and compel an invading enemy to come with 
a force so large that it could not evade our fleet. || 

21. A maritime Power must succumb to a blow struck at its heart. 

22. The home army of 100,000 to 120,000 available for repelling an 
invasion would be second lino insufficiently trained troops. 

23. We are by no means popular on the (Continent. 

24. We have had continual misunderstandings with Germany, and the 
need for fresh markets and for room for her increasing population must 
bring her into collision with her chief rival, Great Britain. 

25. Lord Haldane himself, when he first launched his scheme, ** hoped 
eventually to see a defensive force of 800,000 to 900,000 men, a nation in 
arms, the only safeguard ** IT in war, but the establishment is now 812,577 
men, and on September 80, 1910, the deficiency on that was 44,874.** 
These are not enough to repel an invasion and provide for local and 
garrison defence. 

26. Only a nation with a sufficient military force can secure the most 
advantageous economical position. 

27. Talk of arbitration treaties is folly while we ask Germany as a con- 
dition to maintain permanently a secondary place at sea and consequently J^ 
in the world's commerce. ,. 


• Lord Boberts, House of Lords, November 23, 1908. ^^ 

t Lord Wolseley, letter to Lord Wemyss, November 28, 1906. ^1. 
t Deutsche BundschaUt 1900. 

§ Parliamentary Debates, July 29, 1909. * ] 

II Parliamentary Debates, 1909, vol. 8, p. 1388, f ] 

if Speech at Newcastle, September, 1906. ^ 

*• Lord Lucas, in the House of Lords, November 15, 1910, | g 

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28. True, Belgium, HollAnd and Switzerland have equal chanoee with 
the great Powers in the world's markets, bat only because they are secured 
in peace and independence by the armies and the jealousies of great 
Powers. They also depend on armies and navies, but not upon their own. 

29. By agreeing to the immunity of private property at sea, England, 
,f the greatest naval Power, would surrender a great, perhaps her greatest, 
J naval advantage. 

Arguments Fob and Against Compulbobt Militabt 
Training fob Home Dbfbnob. 


1. Universal military training wiU improve the character, discipline, 
and physique of our race. 

2. Defence of country and self is the first duty of a citizen, and England 
alone of European nations raises its whole army on a voluntary syst^n. 

3. The compulsion is that of the popular voice, public opinion rejects 
the imposition upon a few of the duty of all, and the relegation of a 
national duty to those who perform it because they are driven thereto by 
poverty and lack of other resources. 

4. Other Powers, such as France and Germany, garrison their foreign 
stations vnth voluntarily enlisted troops. Compulsory service for home 
defence is found to be no bar to such enlistment. 

5. '' The voluntary principle overlooks the great moral value of the idea 
of a general patriotic obligation.*'* 

I 6. Our soldier in the Begular army costs £163 a head a year against £57 
for Germany, £15 for France, £36 for Russia, £13 for Austria, and £34 
for Japan. 

7. We have needed and used limited and class impressment and con- 
scription in the past and thus won Trafalgar and Or6cy. The principle is 
conceded, the application should be general. 

8. < ' The nature of the voluntary system makes it impossible to demand 
a reasonable standard of efficiency without greatly reducing the forces."! 

9. ** The progress of industry and the development of the industrial 
spirit are fatal to the voluntary system." { 

10. Svery man of every rank and class of sound physique, and between 
certain years of his life, should be liable for service in the home defence 

11. For this he requires for the infantry continuous compulsory training 

* XiOrd Milner in the House of Lords, July 10, 1906. 
t Duke of Norfolk, Chairman of Oommission on Auxiliary Forces, 
Souse of liords, June 28, 1904. 
t Sliee*s " The Briton's First Duty,'* p. 127. 

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for four months between 18 and 21, and for the three following years a 
fortnight's camp in the Territorial ranks, and a musketry course, and he 
should be liable up to the age of 80 to be called out for home defence in 
case of a grave emergency, which Parliament should decide. 

12. The extra cost would be well under four millions, and safety is cheap 
at the price. 

18. CSompulsory training will also promote industrial prosperity, as the 
physical training and exercise prolong the period of the wage-earning 
capacity of the citizen. 

14. Compulsion of all sorts abounds and increases daily as our govern- 
ment becomes more and more Socialistic in character. 

15. Every modem great Power, except the United States, has abandoned 
the voluntary system. 

16. When every man has to fight in time of war, the nation is more im- 
willing than ever to make war without good reason. 

17. Universal compulsory training does not interfere with industry. All 
employers would be on the same footing, and the labour withdrawn would 
at its highest be but 2*58 per cent. Germany with compulsory service 
advances industrially faster than any other nation. 


1. Compulsory service is repugnant to the feelings of the nation and 
inconsistent with the liberty of the subject. 

2. It cannot provide troops for overseas garrisons and stations, for which 
we must have voluntarily enlisted men. 

3. The Militia Ballot Act, 1757, in abeyance since 1832, actually 
provides for universal personal service, but public opinion does not allow 
it to be enforced, so opposed is the idea to national feeling. 

4. The Begular army gives no permanent employment, and so promotes 
eventual unemployment. 

5. Arbitration is fast becoming the accepted method of settling inter- 
national disputes, and the adoption of compulsion is therefore less than 
ever necessary. 

6. The adoption of the proposals of the National Service League would 
cost an additional £7,820,000 to the Army Estimates.* 

7. Beadiness for war promotes war, the larger the army the more it 
seeks for warlike occupation. 

8. Universal compulsory training interferes with trade and industry. 


Facts and Fallacies. By Field-Marshal Lord Roberts. 
Compulsory Service. By General Sir Ian Hamilton. 
The Briton's First Duty. By George F. Shee. 

War Office Memorandum, No. 101, July 8, 1909. 


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Pabliambntabt Tbbatmbnt. 

IT is clearly equally impossible to wholly omit, or fully 
treat of, foreign affairs in a little work of this kind. The 
mean coarse appears to be to briefly notice those subjects 
upon which controversies in and out of Parliament at the 
present time prevail. There is, of course, in some sense, a 
controversial question as to the manner in which foreign 
affairs should be treated. A section of the House of Commons, 
composed for the most part of advanced Radicals, Labour 
Members, and Socialists, desires that the control of the 
House over the Foreign Secretary should be increased, that 
treaties and agreements with other nations should be sub- 
mitted to Parliament, and indeed that such submission should 
be a preliminary to effective negotiations. Whether from 
want of experience of, or from indifference regarding, the real 
conditions of international intercourse, or from a feeling that 
their intervention is attended with results of national or inter- 
national importaace, is hard to say, but for these or other 
reasons the section of the House of Commons which holds 
these opinions is that which is most insistent in pressing 
for a reduction of those armaments of which diplomacy is 
but the pale reflection, and without which no attention 
whatever would be paid to England's voice among the nations. 
There is, for example, a little group of Members who urge 
armed intervention in the Congo, regardless of the fact that 
such would probably provoke war with Germany, which, on 
the other hand, they illogically declare to be a crime as 
unthii)](able^ as everybody at the moment agrees to regard a 

$ «5 

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conflict between England and the United States, though every 
one, nevertheless, is well aware that peace between these coun- 
tries might in certain contingencies be broken. It is, of course, 
true that under existing circumstances the House of Commons 
is not taken into the confidence of the Foreign Minister, and 
that the fullest expression is not given to the views of the 
democracy, if, for the moment, it be conceded that such views 
are truly represented by the House of Commons ; but in fact 
the conduct of foreign affiedrs would become impossible if 
assent was given to the wishes of this group.* Already 
England negotiates with her hands tied owing to the fact that 
her foreign policy is liable to fitful and unaccountable changes, 
as the opinions of the democracy are guided hither and thither 
by agitators, who train them into grooves in which they desire 
them to run, and in which, as far as may be, they shall seem 
natural and spontaneous. No other European Power, not 
even the French Republic, works under this difficulty, for 
in France la patrie has still much of the meaning which 
Vaterland has in Germany, and the internationalist, the 
SociaUst, the faddist, and the altruist have not yet been able 
to exercise much influence, nor have the many associations 
and societies, the object of which is to protect everything and 
everybody except their own country, been tsken at their own 
valuation in the chimceries of the Continent of Europe. It is, 
of course, true that under a perfectly developed democracy 
foreign politics will be discussed and settled by the repre- 
sentatives of the people, as they were in Athens, and with 
probably the same result ; but as it is admitted in Great 
Britain, even by a prominent Socialist Member, that Parliament 
does not yet represent the people, probably the majority of its 
inhabitants will be content that the Foreign Office should 
continue to maintain such continuity of policy as it can, 
and that the Foreign Minister should carry on his delicate 
duties as successfully as may be under the exceedingly great 
difficulties of his position. If there was any sign that the 
decisions at which the Foreign Office arrived gave dissatisfaction 

* "Diplomaoy is of necessity more or less of a secret ^ame." — V[r, 
Asquith, House of Oommons, November 37, 1911, 

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to the electors, then obviously the desired change would have 
to be introduced, but there is not the slightest manifestation 
of any such feeling, and indeed under existing circumstances 
it is impossible to say that the electors have given any clear 
and unmistakable mandate on this or on any other subject. 
Had the policy to which reference has been made above been 
carried out in the Parliament which sat from 1906 to 1910 
we should, as Sir E. Grey said in the House of Commons, 
not have been on speaking terms with any other country."^ 
It would be of little use, and is certainly outside the scope of 
this book, to discuss the position in the Near East, when in 
1909 Germany threw her sword into the scale in favour of the 
recognition by Europe of the annexation of Bosnia-Herze- 
govina by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, or the acute situa- 
tion which arose when she intervened for the first time in 
respect of Morocco, on neither of which occasions did this 
country play a very effectual part. Nor would it be of any 
advantage to discuss a situation such as that which is now 
developing in Albania, or the war forced upon Turkey by 
Italy. Other subjects, however, claim attention, and the most 
important instruments negotiated by the British Government 
in recent years are the Anglo-Bussian Convention and the 
renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. 


Under the former agreement the Governments of Great 
Britain and Russia, while engaging to respect the integrity and 
independence of Persia, accepted the principle that each of them 
had, for geographical and economic reasons, a special interest 
in the maintenance of peace and order in certain provinces of 
Persia adjoining, or in the neighbourhood of, the Russian 
frontier on the one, and the frontiers of Afghanistan and 
Baluchistan on the other, hand. The practical outcome is that 
either Power undertakes not to seek, or support its subjects in 
seeking, within certain defined limits any concessions of a 
political or commercial nature, these being understood to com- 

* Debates, House of Oommons, voL 10 of 1909, p. 52803; abo Speech 
on MoEoooo, Hov«mb«r 27, 1911. 

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prise concessions for railways, banks, telegraphs, roads, 
transport, insurance, and the like purposes. 

This Convention is unfortunately regarded in many quarters 
as an anti-Mahomedan alliance which places Persia and 
Afghanistan under the control of Bussia and England. Nor 
can it be said there is nothing in this view, although the 
agreement really only confines the two Powers to their 
Northern and Southern spheres of influence, between which a 
neutral zone is delimited, while it is expressly stated that it 
does not include the Persian Gulf. Little comfort, however, 
can be derived from the express exclusion of a sphere in which 
British predominance cannot possibly be denied, nor has 
any advantage so far resulted from the omission of any 
reference to the Baghdad Bailway. The agreement has been 
severely criticised by those who have chiefly or solely 
regarded its provisions in respect of Persia, and it may 
be admitted that Great Britain had a good claim to include 
within her sphere of influence not only Persian Baluchistan, 
but the northern shores of the Gulf, and the hinterland at 
least as far north as Eermanshah and Ispahan. There seems 
no apparent reason why the Russian sphere should have been 
brought down so far south as the old capital of Persia, and 
why the northern shores of the Gulf and the country behind 
should have been left in the neutral zone. British commerce 
is supreme in that region, and Great Britain cleared the Gulf 
of pirates, and policed and opened its waters to the world's 
trade, of which in this region she has, of course, the lion's share. 

There is little doubt that in spite of efforts made by the 
British authorities to force the parliamentary Government 
to preserve order in Southern Persia, our influence in 
that region has been greatly impaired. On the other hand, 
the position of Russia in Northern Persia has improved, and 
owing to the retention till well into 1911 of a small body of 
troops at Tabriz, order has been maintained, and trade, in 
which the Russians are largely interested, has been protected. 

Parliamentary Government* has resulted in absolute 

* It is doubtful if this has sarvived the coup d'Etat of Deoomber Si, 
1911, when the MejUss was olosed, martial law pioclaiiiied, and certain 
demands of Bussia conceded. 

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anarchy in Southern Persia, and in the loss of the very 
little authority the Shah's Grovernment ever possessed upon 
the northern shores of the Gulf. The landing of the ex- 
Shah on the Caspian coast, with the intention of striking 
a blow for his throne, is the natural result of an exhibition 
of incapacity such as cannot but thoroughly discredit 
representative institutions in Persia for many years to 
come; if, indeed, the substitution of Bakhtiari, for Eajar, 
tribal influence can be described as a serious essay in the 
art of representative government. Sir Edward Grey has 
stated in the plainest possible manner that the British 
Government will not interfere between the ex-Shah and 
the Parliamentarians in Persia, and that the Russian 
Government in no way connived at the Shah's return. He 
described the ex-Shah's reappearance, however, as a "most 
untoward event," * and but for Russian and English interven- 
tion, it is pretty clear he never would have been expelled. 
It would appear, therefore, that neither Government repents 
of the assistance it gave to the establishment of parlia- 
mentary anarchy in Persia, but that both alike are 
determined to let events in future take their own course, 
« provided Persian independence takes account of the respec- 
tive interests of Russia and Great Britain in the parts 
adjoining their frontiers." t 

But the guarantee of the independence and integrity of 
Persia, which is holding good under this strain, was well 
worth a sacrifice, and if we now occupy the northern shores 
of the Gulf with claims and concessions, and one such for a 
railway from Mohammera to Ehoramabad has been demanded, | 
little harm will have been done, while the Convention has 

• Parliamentary Debates, July 28, 1911. 

t Sir E. Grey, House of Goxnmons, November 27, 1911. 

I The period for which the Persian Gk>yemment undertoolc in favour of 
Russia not to make any railways expired in 1910, and the British 
Government still has the right to construct or procure the construction 
of a railway in Southern Persia, whenever railway construction takes 
place in any other part of that kingdom by, or on behalf of, any other 

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already saved the realm of the Sing of Kings from dismember* 

The Nationalists in Persia were at the last gasp in Tabriz, 
when Bassia and England intervened and forced the Shah to 
grant a trace, thus giving the Nationalists breathing time, and 
inspiring them with the very little courage required for an 
advance upon the unprotected monarch in his spiritless and 
unwarlike capital. The Convention has relieved England and 
India from immediate apprehension on the North- West 
Frontier of India, and in C^itral Asia, where Bussia's railway 
system has been immensely developed in recent years, and 
wherein that Power maintains an army of a peace strength of 
nearly sixty, and a war strength of nearly one hundred, 
thousand troops. 

Bussia can now keep an army of half a million men 
on the Afghan frontier, and would be a greater menace than 
ever were it not that with the independence of Persia secured 
by the Convention, the importance to us of Afghanistan as a 
frontier factor is greatly diminished. It was a very great 
advantage to define our position in Persia, Afghanistan, and 
Tibet, though it is matter for regret that the fruits of the 
Tibetan expedition were deliberately thrown away by the 
Conservative Government, in pursuance of a policy which the 
succeeding Liberal Government only too eagerly adopted and 
developed. The result of this successful, but ill-starred, enter- 
prise is that China's shadowy suzerainty has been converted 
into something much more substantial, and that her activity 
on the North-East Frontier of India and the adjoining 
country is likely, as Lord Minto, the lately retired Viceroy, 
recently hinted, to give us no little trouble in the future, if 
indeed she recovers from the acute internal dissensions from 
which she now suffers, and finds Parliamentary and Con- 
stitutional Government as impossible as they have proved in 
Persia; Sir Edward Grey must be given credit on the whole 
for having exhibited a statesman-like power of taking occasion by 
the hand in 1907, when Bussia, weary and wounded in the Far 
East, was prepared to halt in her, till then, incessant progress 
in Central Asia. It had become quite clear before the 

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Japanese War that she intended to turn the flank of the 
North- West Frontier of India by penetrating Persia to the 
Gulf. This fact also diminishes the importance of Afghanistan 
in British Indian politics, and distracts attention from the 
attitude of the present Ameer, now King, of Afghanistan, who 
has not yet expressed his formal approval of the Anglo-Russian 
Convention, but whose acts, moods, and omissions are now 
less regarded by the British and British-Indian Grovernments. 
In any case, as Germany is our competitor and potential 
enemy, an entente with Russia, following on the Convention of 
1904 with France, is an essential feature of a wise British policy* 

Anti-Russian Dbhonstbations. 

Regarding Russia proper two problems only have lately ex- 
cited interest in this country. Demonstrations were made 
in Parliament by Labour Members against the present Czar, 
who had just conferred Parliamentary institutions upon his 
own country, whose troops had been the means of allowing 
Persian revolutionaries to expel an absolute Shah and place 
a quasi-parliamentary puppet on the throne of Cyrus and 
Darius, and who had been the initiator of the Hague Peace 
Conference. In 1908 a reduction of the vote for the 
Department of the Foreign Secretary was moved from the 
Labour, and seconded from the Irish, benches, in order to 
attack the Czar, and to condemn the visit King Edward was 
then about to pay to that monarch. It was urged that Russia 
was a country full of terrors, tortures, and persecutions, that 
a visit from our King would enable the Government of that 
country to borrow money to pursue its nefarious schemes 
of autocratic rule, and that no Liberal Government should 
maintain friendly relations with a State which had arrested 
and imprisoned members of its own Duma.* All the false and 
exaggerated statements circulated by Russian revolutionaries 
were apparently accepted, and were certainly repeated, by those 
who supported the motion. It was, of course, pointed out in 
reply that the internal administration of Russia was a matter 
in which we had no title or claim to interfere, and that it was 
* Parliamentary Debates, 1908, vol. 190, 211 sqq. 

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ridiculous to try to establish a sort of Irish boycott against a 
vast Empire with which we had close and important com- 
mercial and other relations. The British Government took 
full responsibility for the King's visit, saying it was absurd to 
suppose that this country could for the reasons suggested 
abstain from maintaining friendly relations with another 
nation, of whose government any parliamentary group or 
section did not approve, that such a policy would be fraught 
with disaster to a large number of the subjects of both Powers 
in different parts of the world, and would stultify the Govern- 
ment which had just entered into the Anglo-Russian Con- 
vention ; that the policy of the Labour Party would lead to war 
as surely as the Anglo-Russian Convention promoted peace, 
that a suspension of diplomatic relations gave the rein to 
passion and unreason ; that the policy of boycott might, and 
would, if once adopted, be extended to the German Emperor 
and to other European potentates ; that objections were taken, 
and indeed by the same group in Parliament, to certain 
features of the Governments of most of neighbours ; that all 
moderate Liberal and reforming elements in Russia welcomed 
the visit of King Edward, to which objection was only raised 
by the reactionary and revolutionary party, whose chief desire 
was to embarrass the Russian (Government ; that to condemn or 
defend Russian administration in Parliament must equally 
give offence ; that a great deal of the disturbance in Russia was 
occasioned by the revolutionary party ; that the political con- 
dition of that country was improving, not retrograding ; that 
representative government was developing; that it was 
ridiculous to require other countries immediately to adopt the 
democratic franchise, which only within the last fifty years 
had been established in Great Britain, and that any attempt 
to bring pressure to bear on Russia would have the opposite 
effect to that which was desired. 

The motion was supported by only fifty-nine votes, but the 
object of the promoters was presumably attained, Russia was 
insulted, and Socialist internationalism obtained a useful 

In 1909, when the Czar visited England, this demonstration 

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was r^»eated, the powder and shot bemg provided by a scarlet 
pamphlet * oomposed by the exiled Nihilist, Prince Peter 
Eropotkin, who was accepted as an authority on the ground 
presumably that an unrepentant exile is the material of which 
impartial critics may be made. The attack was again 
delivered from the Labour benches during the debate on 
the Foreign Office vote.t It was urged by the Labour 
Members and their friends that Prince Kropotkin, who was 
their authority, was a good authority, and the scarlet 
pamphlet was hurled at the head of Imperial Parliament, 
with its statistics of prisoners, whose numbers were considered 
without relation to the vast population of Russia, whose 
suicides were all described as due to official oppression, whose 
executions were all unjust. The government of Russia was 
described as the epitome of all evil, and Mr. Henderson, who 
had led the Labour Party, and had supported motions for the 
reduction of armaments, urged the Government to refuse 
British hospitality to the Czar, at the risk of war, risks 
equally great having been taken by this Government and 
other Governments for less worthy objects 1 The same 
arguments were used against the promoters of this motion 
as were urged on a former occasion, and are above 
summarised. The Foreign Secretary naturally declined to 
accept the statistics of Prince Eropotkin, and added that 
accredited representatives of Russia in England, such as 
Professor Miliukof, who said, ^<We are the opposition of 
the Czar, not the opposition to the Czar," had publicly 
resented the slight which the Labour benches had sought to 
put upon their sovereign, that presumably they were better 
acquainted with the feelings of Russians than were the anti- 
Russian Members of the British Parliament, and that no 
patriotic Russian was likely to sympathise with a motion 
brought forward with the object of insulting and obstructing 
his own Government. Indeed, in Sweden by a unanimous 
vote the Chamber refused to allow a similar discussion to take 
place, t 

* Pablished by the Independent Labour Party, 1909. 

t Parliamentary Debates, 1909, vol. 8, pp. 642 $qq, I Ibid,, p. 688. 

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Question of FiniiAnd. 

Efifbrts have also been made, some of which were frustrated 
by the agency of the author of these lines, to raise what is 
known as the Finnish question in Parliament. No one who 
has travelled in the '' land of a thousand lakes '' — 

**B7 the springs that loudly babble, 
By the rivers winding seaward, 
On the broad backs of the marshes," * 

and associated with its Finnish and Swedish populations, can 
have other than a love of this country and its inhabitants, or 
do other than pray that the unsought and unwelcome inter- 
vention of foreigners may not strengthen the determination of 
the Russian Government to deprive it of such attributes of 
autonomy as survive. Nothing is more likely ito exacerbate 
such anti-Finnish feelings as now exist among Russian 
bureaucrats than foreign interference in the purely domestic 
affairs of Russia. Those who meddle in this manner are in 
fact the worst enemies of the interests which they pretend, 
and no doubt often desire, to serve. However, a Bill based on 
the recommendations of the Russo-Finnish Committee of 1909 
became law in June, 1910, the main object of which was 
to approve proposals for a new procedure in legislation on 
Finnish matters affecting Russian interests. 

Although the Emperor-Grand-Duke of Finland has the 
right to veto any legislative measure passed by the Finnish 
Diet, and although the Russian Council of Ministers had been 
in 1908 invested with power to intervene in Finnish legisla- 
tion and administration, the Bill of 1910 went still further 
and allowed the Finnish Parliament no voice in legislation on 
questions which do not relate solely to the internal affairs of 
Finland. Under this Bill the Russian Parliament has power 
to decide to what extent the Grand Duchy is liable for Imperial 
expenditure and to impose taxes for this purpose, to define the 
rights of Russian subjects in Finland, and to create exceptions 
to the Finnish criminal law and procedure, to legislate on 
popular education, on the right of holding public meetings and 
• Wainamonen, " Kalevala." 

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asBoeiatioBs, on onstoms, trade marks, copyright, money 
system, eommunications, navigaticm, and the rights of i^ens 
in Finland. The Grand Duohy is therefore to have little or 
no voice on Imperial questions in which she also, like other 
portions of the Russian Empure, is interested. 

On the other hand, legislative proposals, before being settled 
by the Duma or Council of Empire, have to be referr^ to the 
Finnish Senate for opinion, the people of Finland being 
represented by one member on the Council of Empire, and on 
the Duma by four members. Now the Finnish Senate itself 
is nominated by the Czar, and it must be admitted that the 
Bill will make a considerable breach in the existing Constitu- 

Apparently Finnish tariffs are not for the present to be 
raised,"*" but it is urged that this policy of unification will ruin 
Finland without benefiting Russia, except in respect of 
the appointments in the former, of natives of the latter, 
country, and that the abolition of the internal autonomy of 
the Grand Duchy cannot but injure Russian credit in the eyes 
of Europe, throughout which the solemn engagement of 
Alexander I., when he confirmed Finland in the enjoyment 
of the laws which had appUed to it as part of the Swedish 
kingdom, is well known. 

On the other hand, it is urged that Finland has never been 
converted into a separate State, but is a Russian province. 
It is, in fact, incorporated territory in the Russian Empire, 
enjoying autonomy in purely local affairs, but being only one 
of several provinces taken by conquest from Sweden which 
have passed into the property of the Russian Empire, upon the 
legislative power of which they depend. The regulation of 
common Russian and Finnish interests by identical laws, 
though possible before the creation of the Duma and Imperial 
Council, could hardly survive that event. Finnish laws would 
continue to be the work of an autocrat, while Russian laws 
were the product of an Emperor assisted by two Chambers. 
The law of 1910 is a necessary development of the reform of 
the legislative system of the Empire by the Imperial manifesto 
* Parliamentary Debates, 1910, vol. 17, page 444. 

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of 1905, and matters of Imperial interest, excluded by the law 
of 1910 from Finnish legislation, will be decided by the 
Russian Parliament upon a more democratic, or at any rate, 
upon a less bureaucratic, basis. The autonomy of Finland 
will not be destroyed, because most purely internal questions 
are left to the ordinary course of Finnish legislation; for 
instance, the organisation of the Province in respect of police, 
urban and rural self-government, civil service, pensions, and, 
with the exception of such as are imposed for Imperial 
purposes, taxes, mining industries, forestry, class distinctions 
and privileges, excepting these of Russian non-Finnish subjects 
in Finland, and civil and ecclesiastical affairs with certain 
exceptions, criminal laws and procedure, education with 
certain exceptions, commercial legislation with certain excep- 
tions, posts, agriculture, communications, fisheries, poor law, 
and many other heads of administration.* Further, it is con- 
tended, and with good reason as would appear, that Finland has 
manifested separatist aspirations, and has been unwilling to 
pass laws required in the general interest, or to grant Russians 
equal rights with Fins in Finland; that the Parliament of 
Finland has, in fact, deprived Russians of civil, political, and 
industrial rights, has introduced several Bills forbidding 
Russians to be members of local government bodies, and has 
deprived them of the right to own printing works, bookshops 
or libraries, and to purchase real property, without the special 
order of the Emperor-Grand-Duke obtained in each case ; 
that it was intolerable that Russians should be treated as 
foreigners in a province of the Empire the second town of 
which is only twenty miles from St. Petersburg, and is more 
or less a summer resort for the capital. Finally, supporters of 
recent legislation insist that the isolation of Finland from 
Russia in the case of war between the latter and any Western 
Power could not but be fraught with danger to Imperii^ 

Meetings have been held in England of the mistaken friends 
of freedom, resolutions have been adopted of the usually 
offensive character towards Russia, and questions have been 
• " Finland," by Lieut.-Cteneral Borodkin, p. 100. 

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asked in the House of Commons, urging the intervention of 
the English Oovemment, which would be praotioally identical 
with the interference of the Imperial Russian Government for 
the purpose of protesting against the further continuation of 
the Union between Oreat Britain and Ireland. 

It is hard to get away from the fact that as Finland is 
indisputably an integral part of the Russian Empire, her 
administration must be brought into line with that of Russia 
proper, to which she lies in the most immediate vicinity. 
fler internal autonomy is, as far as is compatible with her 
position as a Russian province, respected. It is probable that 
few of those who criticise, have read, the law of June 17/30, 
1910. They resent rather the Imperial order for the pajrment 
ot a military contribution, and the resolutions passed by the 
Joint C!ommission of Russians and Fins regarding the pro- 
mulgation of general State laws and the scope of general 
State legislation. There seems to the impartial observer 
nothing here to justify the academic protests of British and 
Gontinental jurists and professors. There is indeed little in the 
Treaty of Fredrickshamn upon which to found a claim to 
separate existence, nor can the contention hold that Finland 
was acquired with the consent of its people in 1809, for Russia 
undoubtedly obtained the Grand Duchy by conquest, what- 
ever were the wishes of its inhabitants. Finland never had a 
separate existence from Sweden, and the possession of a separate 
coinage is no proof of a separate State system.* Siberia 
possessed this attribute in the eighteenth century, as did Poland, 
long after she lost her political independence. Nor can a 
case be made out for tyrannical treatment by Russia. Indeed, 
in the days of Swedish rule Finland was under an obligation 
to provide*more than 13,000 troops, but under Russia she has 
provided only 2,000 men until, in 1881, seven years later 
than Russia, she came under the law of universal military 


Leaving Finland,' with its thousand lakes, and its glorious 
summer climate, for *'the stark Arabian coast," Somaliland 
* '' The Bights of Finland," by E. Berendts. 

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is the nex^ controversial country, and thon^ it is now under 
the Colonial Office it may most appropriately be treated as 
foreign in this work. The position in this barren land has 
been, and is likely again to be, the sabject of debate in the 
House of Commons and in the country. 

It has been argued with some force that while we remained 
in Somaliland we were doing the Mullah no harm and our- 
selves no good, and we spent a great deal of money. The 
Coalition Government of Mr. Asquith therefore adopted 
a policy of concentration and withdrawal, which indeed had 
also been favoured by its Conservative predecessors. Prior 
to its being placed under the Foreign Office the Somaliland 
Protectorate was administered from Bombay and Aden, and at 
that period the British-Indian Government repudiated respon- 
sibility for maintaining peace outside a radius of ten miles 
from the coast and declined to preserve the tribes from raids 
or to compose any inter-tribal quarrels. It has been urged of 
late that a railway should be constructed from the coast to the 
interior, but obviously this would require a considerable gar- 
rison for its safeguarding, and would be accompanied by no 
guarantee that the present, or any future, Mullah would elect 
to fight us in such situation that we could use our own ml way 
as our base, and there would, of course, be no conmiereisd 
return. Nevertheless, the fact cannot be concealed that with- 
drawal from the interior and concentration on ttie coast, 
whether inevitable or not, exposes tribes friendly to ourselves 
to reprisals at the hands of those who are hostile to any 
British occupation. Advocates of withdrawal contend that 
the excommunication of the Mullah by the religious bodies 
at Mecca is a proof that his influence is reduced to vanishing- 
point, but it is not altogether conclusively proved that this 
decree issued from an authoritative quarter, and there is no 
guarantee that he, or a successor ot his, will not again give 
trouble, nor is it altogether certain that no one will seek to 
succeed us in this inhospitable region if we withdraw. A 
foreign Power settled opposite Aden could make things very 
uncomfortable for us at that important coaling station, «nd in 
the Persian Gulf, Egypt, and even on the Indian coast. The 

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Goverament of Mr. Asqnith sent out, no doubt with speoifio 
instructions, an admirable agent, Colonel Sir William 
Manning, who issued arms to the friendlies, and reported that 
they could hold their own against their enemies. But there 
is some reason for thinking that even the qualified peace and 
civilisation which we have introduced, has had the effect 
described by the Sikh chief who cursed the 

"Boasted progress that hunts our sons to school. 
That breaks the sword, that snaps the spear, and bids our ooorage cool.*' 

If this be so the outlook for the friendlies is other than pro- 
mising. Indeed, Sir William Manning, who evidently had 
instructions to concentrate, withdraw, and get the Govern- 
ment out of its difficulties, nevertheless reported that a period 
of disorder would probably follow upon withdrawal. It may well 
be argued that the policy pursued in Somaliland is a reversal 
of our traditional method of dealing with native races, and is 
likely to be represented, and not without reason, as the result 
of the defeat of the British by the Mullah, that Somaliland 
touches on British East Africa, where we want to keep a 
good name, that the Somalis are one of the finest and most 
int^gent races in Africa, over whom for twenty-five years 
we have exercised a more or less effective protectorate, and 
the interior of whose country we have administered for ten 
years, and that no notice was given of the impending new 
departure in policy, but evacuation was begun before the 
change was announced. Of course, Somaliland is a trouble- 
some, and in itself an unremunerative, territory, and there is 
much reason to fear that the policy adopted in its behalf, as in 
many other matters, was dictated by the necessity, as the Coali- 
tion Grovernment holds it to be, of reducing expenditure under 
Imperial heads of account, in order to devote vast sums to 
the various processes of ** making their calling and election 
sure," which are conveniently lumped together under the 
comprehensive title of social reform. It must, however, be 
admitted that the policy pursued by the Coalition Government 
does not widely differ in principle from that laid down by their 
predecessors, though considerable differences have marked its 

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exeoution, and Sir Edward Grey has evidently determined to 
reduoe oar responsibilities and make, if the expression may 
be used, a more spirited withdrawal than would have found 
favour with the opposite party. 

The Under-Secretary of State, Colonel Seely, was justified 
in saying that ''it was an agreed policy to retire from the 
coast as soon as that could be done without loss of prestige," "^ 
but it is by no means certain that this material condition has 
been fulfilled. It may be argued that the Coalition Oovem- 
ment wisely preferred some loss of prestige to a possible or 
probable expenditure of some millions of money in endeavour- 
ing to catch and defeat an elusive adversary, but that there 
has been some loss of prestige, the extent of which it is difficult 
to define, could be equally fairly urged in reply. 

Illicit Abhs Tbaffio. 

Throughout our long hostilities with the Mullah an illicit 
traffic in arms, in contravention of the Brussels Act of 1890, 
has been carried on, not only with the Somaliland Protectorate, 
but with Muscat and the Persian Oulf , where Persian Baluchi- 
stan and Afghanistan are brought into the sphere of opera- 
tions. This traffic it has proved impossible to stop, owing to 
the fact that the Sultan of Muscat, though directly under the 
protection of the Government of India, has treaties with Euro- 
pean Powers, and notably with France, under which he enjoys 
complete freedom of commerce, including the trade in arms, 
in his dominions. All other methods of putting a stop to this 
trade having failed, the Indian Government recently dispatched 
an expedition into the country hitherto known as Persian 
Baluchistan, but which, since Persia has enjoyed parlia- 
mentary government, has been practically independent of 
Teheran, and indeed has been bereft of any rule but tha^ 
of might among its wild and lawless chieftains. 


As regards Crete frequent interpellations hostile to Turkish 
supremacy are made by the same group which distrusts the 
* Parliamentary Debates, 1910, vol. 17, p. 708. 

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humanity of the Belgians in the Congo, disbelieves in the dis- 
interestedness of the British in India, discredits the beneficial 
results of our activities in Africa, and believe that in Turkey 
a Mahomedan is always a bad man in the wrong, while a 
Christian is invariably a good man in the right. The spirited 
action of the so-called Toung Turks in the assertion of Otto- 
man sovereignty in European Turkey has somewhat discon- 
certed this group with which the Coalition Government has 
to reckon, in spite of the hardly concealed opinion of its 
Foreign Secretary that their activities are most mischievous 
in character. Indeed, but for the notorious fact that the 
Young Turks enjoyed the friendship and protection of Ger- 
many, the Badical-Socialist-Labour group would long since 
have banned them with bell, book, and candle. The fact 
that the present Ottoman Government is a military des- 
potism is somewhat difficult of concealment, and there is no 
reason to suppose it suffers less from interested and men- 
dacious exaggeration than did the administration of the 


There is little doubt that the excesses and cruelties prac- 
tised by the armies of the Young Turks in Albania are, as the 
Ottoman Government claims, grossly exaggerated for pohtical 
purposes, and that the Porte cannot be fairly criticised for 
insisting that the Albanians shall take their fair share of 
military duties and of public taxation. No Government could 
continue to exist which did not put down with a strong hand 
those who disobeyed a proclamation calling for surrender on a 
specified date. Nevertheless, the pursuit of the Albanians into 
their hills, the devastation of their villages, and the hardships 
inflicted upon these brave highlanders would have called for 
the concerted action of the Great Powers had a despotic 
Sultan, and not the Parliamentary Young Turks, organised 
the operations. There is more in the word Parliament 
than there ever was in the blessed word Mesopotamia, and 
a State possessed of any assembly pretending to the name 
appears to be exempt from the criticism of those bodies 
which instigate the Great Powers in general, and England 


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in puriioular, to intervene in the internal afiEairs of other 

The Austrian Government, in its capacity ot self-constituted 
guardian of Christians in the Ottoman Empire, is believed to 
have intervened in the middle of 1911 on behalf of the Albanian 
insurgents, and a feeliug prevails throughout Europe that that 
Government is not unwilling to adopt the attitude of the 
Austrian Press, and say — 

** Europe will have do rest until the eternal Balkan crises 
are radically solved ODce for all, and the alien element driven 
from the site of Eastern Rome." * 

The Montenegrins, who are under the special patronage of 
Austria, if they have not been accomplices in the Albanian 
revolt, have unconcealed sympathy with the Albanian rebels, 
while the Czar of Bulgaria is always ready for any interven- 
tion which may Jead to the aggrandisement of his brand-new 
kingly crown. 


Crete also has occupied the time of our Parliament and the 
attention of our Press, and the group of politicians, to which 
reference has more than once been made, has invariably 
encouraged the insubordination of this insignificant island, 
of the inhabitants of which, as St. Paulf tells us, Aratus 
wrote — 

** KpfJTeg ael yj/e^trraiy Kaxa djiptOj yatnip€Q apyal.*' 

Whether or not they ever deserved such bad words, it may 
at least be said that they are no more deserving of the 
sympathy of Europe than their lawful masters the Turks. 

Sir Edward Grey, when the Foreign Office vote for 1911 
was discussed in Parliament,^ said that while anxiety on the 
part of neighbouring countries was not unnatural, steps to 
Umit the area of disturbance resulting from the condition 

* Vaterlandf June 10, 1911. This was one of those journals which, like 
Frendenblatt, played so actiye a part in the agitation of 1908, which 
preceded the annexation of Bosnia and Hertzgovina in 1909. 

t Epistle to Titas, i. 12. 

\ Parliamentary Debates, July 28, 1911. 

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of affairs in Albania could not be initiated by us — a welcome 
intimation, as was bis assurance that the Great Powers have 
no desire to be drawn into intervention in Turkey. 

In this behalf the Coalition Government of Mr. Asquith has, 
like its predecessors in office, acted in conjunction with the 
other protecting Powers (France, Austria, and Italy) to dis- 
courage the extravagant pretensions of the Cretans, to maintain 
the suzerainty of the Sultan, the protection of the Mussulman 
inhabitants, and the furtherance of the government of the 
island under an autonomous regime.'*' 

The four Powers hold the island in trust, and continue to 
maintain the obligation of preserving the supreme rights of 
Turkeyt» and the substitution of a veiled military despotism for 
an avowed autocracy has, of course, strengthened the hands of 
the Ottoman Porte and its reputation in certain previously 
unfriendly quarters. Austria took Bosnia and Hertzgovina from 
the Turk when he was unable to resist aggression ; but there is 
no doubt that the Turkish Government will now prove perfectly 
capable of suppressing revolt in Albania, Macedonia, and Crete, 
if other Powers do not intervene in the interests of the re- 

Turkish territory is still the storm centre of the Near East, 
though intervention seems for the moment to be out of fashion. 
It really is as necessary now as ever to keep the Turks in, if the 
Russians are to be kept out of, Constantinople. Greece is 
an impossible heir, partly because of the unwarlike character 
of her inhabitants, and partly because she has no friend in 
Europe except Great Britain, whose friendship falls short 
of fighting on her account. 

Austria can hardly stretch to Constantinople, even if internal 
tension allows her to retain her present widely scattered and 
heterogeneous dominions. If Bulgaria succeeds to the Turkish 
inheritance she will only rule as the obedient vassal of Russia. 
Meantime Turkey maintains a huge army on a war footing in 
order to keep the Mahomedans and Christians from killing 
each other, and to preserve peace in Macedoniai which is 

* Parliamentary Debates, 1910, vol. 17, p. 1199. 
t Ibid., 1909, vol. 8, p. 661. 

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harried by Christian bands, half robber, half patriot, and 
wholly anti-Mahomedan. 

This army may be destined to play a considerable part in the 
politics of the Near East, but there are insufficient grounds for 
the theory which ascribes to the late Sultan a policy of bring- 
ing about a combination of all the Mahomedan communities in 
the world into a formidable Pan-Islamic opposition to Christi- 
anity and Christian civilisation. Indeed, the Mahomedans of 
Morocco, Persia, Afghanistan, India, and China are altogether 
outside Ottoman influence. 


To pass from one to another Mahomedan country. Many 
features of the situation in Egypt recall those of the unrest 
in India. There is the same violence and unscrupulousness 
in the native Press ; the same insubordination and sedition 
in scholars and teachers ; the same clamour for clerkships and 
higher appointments; the same impatience of a foreign ascen- 
dancy ; the same reliance upon the Little England attitude 
favoured by the new democracy, and, to the ear at any rate, by 
the Coalition Government of Mr. Asquith ; the same delay and 
indecision in bringing criminals, claiming to be political 
offenders, to justice ; and the same forgetfulness of the misery 
and oppression which preceded British rule. There is, however, 
no Brahmin class, with its incalculable hold over the minds of 
the inhabitants, with its inherited capacity for statesmanship, 
and no freedom of action for making experiments in self-govern- 
ment, representation, and parliamentary or quasi-parliamentary 
government, such as we possess in India, for in Egypt we have 
become the trustees of Europe, which is unwilling that *' the 
gift of the Nile ** should become the spoil of the agitator. And 
Europe may well resent concessions to popular, or seemingly 
popular, clamour, which are injurious to the majority in Egypt, 
and indeed among other European Powers induce doubt as 
to our good faith, which is not dispelled by a study of the 
attitude assumed, not only without rebuke, but to some 
extent with encouragement in high places, of a group of 
Radicals, Socialists, and Irish Members. It is, or should be, 

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well known that evaouation was impossible, that the abandon- 
ment of evacuation was distasteful to France, that from 1883 to 
1904 Lord Cromer worked for a solution of this dilemma, and 
siter overcoming many and great difficulties, by him it was 
eventually solved by the Anglo-French Agreement of 1904. 

In 1910 ex-President Roosevelt, after visiting many parts 
of British and other Africa, including Egypt, was granted 
the freedom of the City of LondoUi on which occasion he 
dwelt upon ''the wisdom of disregarding the well-meaning 
but unwise sentimentalists who object to the spread of 
civilisation at the expense of savagery," compared inde- 
pendence and self-government in the Sudan with " indepen* 
dence and self-government in a wolf-pack," and "as an 
American, a Radical, and a real, not a mock, democrat, pro- 
tested that the condition of affairs in Egypt was a grave menace 
to our Empire and to civilisation." And then he used the 
following memorable words, in which are enshrined a great 
truth of imiversal application : *' In such a situation as yours 
in Egypt weakness, timidity, and sentimentality may cause 
even more far-reaching harm than violence and injustice. Of 
all broken reeds sentimentality is the most broken reed on 
which righteousness can lean.""*" As Mr. Roosevelt said, some 
nation must govern Egypt if it is not again to sink into a welter 
of chaos, and as we are there for the benefit of the inhabitants 
it is our duty to establish order and to treat as unworthy of self- 
government a people which, if it is to be judged by its press, 
regards assassination as the comer-stone of this system. 

It may be noted in passing that every word of this is applic- 
able not to the peoples, not to any one of the many peoples of 
India, but to the Uttle band of Brahmins and Babus, who, with- 
out even representing their own class and caste, are accepted in 
Britain as the representatives of that non-existent, but often- 
mentioned, entity, *' the people of India." 

Mr. Roosevelt was perfectly justified in his remarks regard- 
ing encouragement of assassination. The well-known journal 
of the Nationalist party, the Lewa, never lost an opportunity 
of attacking the Premier, Boutros Pasha, both as a Coptic 
* The Times, June 10, 1910. 

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Christian and as president of the Denshawai tribunal, or of 
glorifying Indian anarchists and assassins like Dhingra, the 
Sociaiists and anarohists, who met in oonference at Geneva, 
and itinerant agitators, who were unfortunately members of 
the British Parliament, who have encouraged the aspira- 
tions of the half-educated proletariat. The Denshawai affair 
provided powder and shot for many an attack in Parliament 
upon the British administration by Irish, Labour, and extreme 
Radical Members. 

As in India, so in Egypt, a licentious Press has incited half- 
educated enthusiasts to assassination, and the British Agent, 
the late Sir Eldon Oorst, did not scruple to indict the Nationa- 
list leaders as morally responsible for the murder of the Prime 
Minister, Boutros Pasha, and after the submission of his report 
dealing with the events culminating in that odious and 
senseless crime, and the tonic supplied by Mr. Roosevelt's 
Guildhall speech, measures were taken, far more effectual 
than any yet adopted in India, to repress sedition and agitation 
in educational institutions^ to break up secret societies, to 
afford a speedy means of deporting, and otherwise dealing 
with, offenders, and to curb tiie licence of the Press. But 
three measures laid before the L^slative Council were 
only enacted by the Council of Ministers in the teeth of the 
opposition of the former assembly, which unequivocally took 
the side of the irreconcilable Nationalists. 

A speech made upon his assumption of office by the late 
Sir Eldon Gorst, probably under instructions from the home 
Goverzmient, in which he said we would only remain in 
Egypt till the Egyptians were fit for self-government, may 
be said to have been the beginning of the troubles, which 
came to a head in 1909-10. There is no need on this account 
to ascribe to Sir Eldon Gorst, a zealous, able, and courageous 
pubUc servant, any personal responsibility for what is unsatis- 
factory in the present condition of Egypt. The policy of asso- 
ciating the Egyptians to a greater extent in the administration 
was indeed begun^by Lord Cromer, and was only continued and 
developed by his successor. It was thought, erroneously as 
it proved, that though the Government might become less 

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efficient^ it would in this way become more popular ; but 
we are now less feared and more disliked than we were by 
the English-educated class we have created. The very un- 
necessary submission of the agreement between the Oovem- 
ment and the Suez Canal Company to the National Assembly 
^ve that body the opportunity of exhibiting its anti-British 
feeling, and the agreement had no chance of being considered 
on its merits. Sir Eldon Oorst reported that the action of the 
General Assembly was characterised by an entire lack of con- 
fidence in the intentions and good faith of the Qoyemment, and 
that British financial and commercial interests were adversely 
affected ; but Sir Edward Grey * declined to take any steps to 
enforce the adoption of the agreement, on the, under the 
circumstances not very convincing, ground that intervention 
could only be effected in the interests of Egypt. 

Meanwhile affairs in Egypt have attracted attention in other 
quarters. British policy has been persistently and consistently 
attacked in the Oerman Press, and indications have not been 
wanting of the activity of German capitalists, such as heralded 
in Turkey the initiation of that political, rather than economic 
enterprise, the Baghdad Railway ; while the rank of Minister 
Plenipotentiary has been conferred upon the German Agent 
in Cairo. In fact, it might fairly be stated that German 
influence iacreases day by day in the land of Egypt, f while the 
weak and nerveless attitude of the British administration towards 
the revolutionary, or so called Nationalist, party impairs the 
firm position it had formerly occupied. At the same time, 
British capital, so necessary for development, has been naturally 
shy of visiting a country in the throes of political unrest, and 
in 1910, for the first time for nearly twenty years, Egyptian 
Unified Stock fell below par, while considerable difficulty has 
been experienced in obtaining repayment of advances made by 
the Agricultural Bank of Egypt, owing to the action of agitators 
who predicted early evacuation by the British army of occupation. 

* In answer to Sir J. D. Bees, July 4, 1910. 

f An officially sabsidised daily German newspaper, the AegypUache 
Naehrictenf was established in October, 1911. No similar English organ 

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Egypt, like India, is a touchstone whereby to test the capa- 
city of a democracy for governing an Empire, in which those 
who have taken any part in the task, will not feel the greater 
confidence, now that payment of Members of Parliament has 
been adopted by the Coalition Oovemment. Nor is the in- 
sistence by democracy, or rather by those who till now arrogate 
to themselves its special representation, upon the application 
of British methods to Oriental countries, and upon the intro- 
duction of our own system of education, of happy augury, 
seeing how great a failure has hitherto attended this policy in 
India and in Egypt, in which latter country our task has been 
the harder and our failure perhaps the greater, because we 
work through agents who are not possessed of executive 
authority. It is in education that we have chiefly failed, and 
it is in respect of this all-important branch of administration 
that we most need to act in accord with local environment, 
local tradition, and local requirements, abjuring above all 
things adoption of European unsectarian and conventional 

Not only are the Egyptians utterly unfit, as they them^ 
selves have proved, to govern themselves, but how is 
self-government possible in a country, in which all important 
laws have to receive the consent of seventeen different Powers 
of Europe? None of these Powers would waive their rights, 
unless the administration of Egypt was actually in the hands 
of one of the great European Powers, and all, including the 
English in Egypt, would scout the idea of yielding an inch in 
regard to capitulations, or anything else, if they saw Egypt on 
the threshold of a great and rapid expansion of native Parlia- 
mentary institutions. The creation of an impression to this 
effect was the great mistake made since Lord Cromer retired 
from the office he held so long with such advantage to the 
cause of civilisation and good government in what ceased in 
his time to be the House of Bondage. 


The Pan-Islamic movement, which need not necessarily be 
anti-British, is a force with which Britain must none the less 

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count. It is really but one of many phases of the Asiatic 
awakenings which Japanese victories have so much advanced. 
All Asia, induding all Islam, rejoiced to see an Asiatic, defeat a 
first-class European, Power. But when the Government of 
the day in England inclines a favourable ear to, or at the least 
abstains from rebuking, the ignorant and bigoted abuse 
showered in Parliament upon Mahomedan rulers and Ma- 
homedan rule, a hostile feeling must naturally be engendered 
and perpetuated. The stream for the moment has dried up, 
and with the deposition of that most astute and able ruler, 
Abdul Hamid, Ottoman rule is no longer so strongly animated 
by that steady, unswerving purpose of bringing into closer and 
mightier cohesion the whole Mahomedan world under one 
sceptre, which was the chief feature of the late Sultan's rule.* 

Thb CoNoa 

Amongst the subjects connected with the foreign department, 
which have been frequently debated in the coimtry and in 
Parliament, and upon which a distinct difference of opinion 
exists, is that of the Congo. The extremer the Radical the 
more determined he is to force the hand of the Belgian Govern* 
ment, and he does not stop to reflect that the intervention of 
Belgium in this vast and savage region has already sensibly 
leavened its inhabitants with at any rate some slight flavour of 
civilisation, or that the Belgian people are no less humane and 
at the least no less anxious than we are that the administration 
of their African possessions should be a credit to their nation. 
So oblivious of the facts are these breathless philanthropists 
that while they vote one day for reducing the naval estimates, 
and hampering the War Minister in his thankless and des- 
perately difficult task of providing for the defence of the 
country, on the morrow they are prepared to go to war with 
Belgium and Germany in order to prevent mutilation and 
cruelty in a region in which the lopping of a limb has for ages 
been the common punishment for theft and other offences, and 
in which cruelty is so much a matter of course, that until the 

• " Pan-Islamlsm," by V. Ohirol, Central Asian Society, November 14, 

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advent of the Belgians it was not regarded as an evil. Eree 
Ghorches pass resolutions condemning forced labour, one <rf 
the most time-honoured of the customs of the country, though 
Radicals protest that the foreign possessions of European 
Powers should be administered in accordance with native 
methods. The British Government has been urged again and 
again, in and out of Parliament, to withhold its consent to the 
annexation of the Congo by Belgium imtil complete reform is 
effected. No date is assigned for the realisation of this pious 
aspiration ;* but as England is held by the party which siq^ports 
the Government, to need reform at the present day in respect 
of every (thing except her tariff, thousands of years must elapse 
before the Congo qualifies, according to British stuidurds, for 
annexation by Belgium. 

The resolutions passed by various Churches and associations 
are wholly lacking in humour, when they commence by pro- 
fessing cordial goodwill towards the Belgian people, which tiiey 
then proceed to condemn, root and branch, lock, stock, and 
barrel, as wanting in an elementary sense of humanity. 

It is quite probable that Belgium has derived somewhat 
more revenue than is justifiable from its vast Central African 
territories, but there are not wanting Members of Parliament 
who say the same of the British "drain" from India, and are 
equally ready to charge its agents with all that inhumanity 
which, according to them, is the inevitable equipment of the 
representatives of the Belgians in Africa. The Belgian Govern- 
ment proposes to restore freedom of labour and freedom of 
trade within three years in the territory under the direct con- 
trol of the State, but it does not apply this counsel of perfection 
to districts conceded to foreign companies, with which it pro- 
poses to make individual arrangements. Honest and com* 
passionate sympathisers with the inhabitants of the Congo 
should remember that the credibility of the evid^ice of 
missionaries received a severe shock by the finding of the 

* The Under-Secretary of State said tke Government would wait tiU the 
whole of the three zones into which the country was divided had been 
opened to trade. Mr. Aoland in answer to Mr. A. £. E. (Gardner in 
House of Commons, November 23, 1911. 

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Soathem Nigerian Liquor Commission, and that proof of the 
existence of many maimed and ill-treated Congolese is not 
identical with proof that their condition is due to Belgian 
intervention. That there have been abuses connected with 
the collection of rubber is pretty clear, but it is hardly as clear 
that the Belgian civil servants, though indirectly responsible, 
encouraged those abuses. 

The Belgian people naturally deeply resent pictures drawn 
by irresponsible Congophobes for the purpose of misleading 
English opinion, and the Belgian Colonial Minister, M. Benkin, 
made an independent journey in the Congo region before he de- 
clajred that the pictures drawn in England are in flagrant con- 
tradiction with the reality. No person acquainted with the 
elementary conditions of the situation would deny his state- 
ment that it is impossible to immediately revolutionise the land 
system in these vast, unexplored, and thinly populated tracts. 

The Belgians now distinctly recognise the right of the native 
to harvest the products of the soil, but their critics maintain 
that the continuance of the principle of State ownership of 
vacant land constitutes a fatal flaw in the Congo reform 
scheme. Such critics have, however, little or no acquaintance 
with the position of the State in respect of unoccupied land out- 
side the comparatively narrow limits of Europe, and for the 
moment they forget that State ownership of land, occupied or 
unoccupied, is one of the planks in the platform of their 
Socialist allies. They urge, too, that the exception made in 
favour of the concessionaire companies is sufficient to inspire 
doubt of the sincerity of the whole scheme of reform. On the 
other hand, it is argued by the Belgians that no reform can be 
immediately carried out over an area half a hundred times as 
large as that of Belgium, and containing 950,000 square miles, 
inhabited by 20 or 30 millions of people amongst whom canni- 
balism and the slave trade still flourish.''' 

* See Gd. 5860 (1911). Mr. Thurston, Vioe-Gonsul in Easai, reported 
that the former r€gime, to the continuance of which the ill-treatment of 
natives may be attributed, is undergoing a radical change, that the 
Government decrees are being sincerely interpreted, but that the results 
of the past cannot be wiped out in a day. He noted a great improvement 
on the conditions described by Ck>nsul Thesiger in 1908. 

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If the whole area of the Congo were at once thrown open to 
freedom of trade, all concessions would be useless until arrange- 
ments were made for the effective protection of trader against 
the native and of native against the trader, who may debauch 
him with drink and take his produce at unremunerative rates. 
It must be remembered that the area now opened up includes 
the country adjacent to the great waterways, and to the 
possessions of other European Powers, which alone is now 
accessible to traders ; that to throw open the whole area to 
unrestricted commerce would be practically to favour the crea- 
tion of fresh monopolies, and that the concessionaires have legal 
and transferable rights which must be respected by a civilised 
administration. The Government of Belgium also asserts that 
forced labour has already to a great extent been abolished. 
In Belgium the good faith of their rulers is not denied even by 
the party which has arraigned the past misgovernment of the 
Congo. It cannot be too clearly understood that responsible 
statesmen in Belgium assert that accusations of cruelty and 
oppression brought against Belgian Colonial administration are 
utterly unfoimded, and that the persistent reiteration of these 
charges is deeply resented. In short, the Belgians would say 
it is "righteousness," and not self -righteousness, "that ex- 
alteth a nation," and their Court of Appeal in the Congo * 
confirmed the sentence passed in 1909 on Lieutenant Arnold 
of twelve years' penal servitude for complicity in the Monegalla 

The British Government makes much of the necessity for 
recognition, but the Belgian Gk>vemment holds that neither 
international law nor existing conventions require such 

The Baghdad Railway. 

A matter, imlike the Congo, of real importance to Great 
Britain is the Baghdad Railway. Since the British Govern- 
ment in 1903 declined to take any hand in the proposals for 
the Anglo-Franco-German construction of this line, the con- 
ditions of the Middle East have been entirely changed as 
* TJie Thnes, July 28, 1911. 

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regards the relative positions held by Turkey, Germany, and 
Great Britain, and as regards the position of EnglaJid in 
Persia, which has been greatly prejudiced by the withdrawal 
of Western Persia and the northern shores of the Gulf from 
the British sphere of influence. 

This arrangement, like most others of contemporary date, 
will inevitably make for the greater aggrandisement of 
Germany, and the Power which controls the Gulf section of 
the Baghdad Railway will necessarily dominate South- West 
Persia and to some extent menace the security of our 
Indian Empire. 

The interests of the British Government in this project are 
twofold. We have commercial and economic interests in every 
section of the railway — from the Mediterranean to the Persian 
Gulf ; and political, strategic, and Imperial interests in those 
sections which are in the neighbourhood of the Gulf. As to the 
first, over almost the whole of the area covered by the railway 
British trade is predominant. We have to see, therefore, that 
British trade shall not be subject to any differential treatment 
in the f ature. A mere clause in the statutes of the Railway 
Company prohibiting differential rates is not sufficient, for it 
would be comparatively easy to frame a tariff favouring 
categories of goods which come mainly from Germany, as 
opposed to goods coming mainly from Great Britain and 

As Lord Morley said in the House of Lords in March, 1911 : 
*' People do not yet recognise how enormous are the issues 
involved, how enormous is the area involved. The Govern- 
ment fully realise that British trade interests in these regions 
are of real and enormous importance." 

Lord Fitzmaurice, who represented the Foreign Office, 
speaking in 1906, said the Baghdad Railway was one of the 
greatest questions of the times, and occupied the same position 
in the Oriental world which many years ago was occupied by 
the making of the Suez Canal. 

The line has so far not been constructed beyond the 
Taurus mountains, and capital must be raised before real 
progress can be made with the next most expensive sec- 

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tion, in whioh much tonnellmg, catting, and bridging will be 

The need for further capital is argent and immediate, but 
the assent of England and France is necessary to an increase 
in the Turkish customs duties, without which money for a 
guarantee can hardly be raised, and this assent probably cannot 
be got without some compensation. Although a good deal 
of French capital is already through underground channels 
employed in the project, the Government of France has 
not yet admitted Baghdad Railway stock to an official quota- 
tion on the Paris Bourse. 

Every increase in Turkish cust<nns falls mainly on British 
commerce, as we supply three-fifths of the trade on which 
these duties are levied, while at the same time we are the only 
Power which gives Turkish products free admission to its 
home markets. It is therefore by no means clear why the 
English should be asked to agree to an increase in customs in 
order to facilitate the construction of railways whereby a 
German army corps could, if necessary, be poured into Syria 
within two weeks of the declaration of war, to say nothing of 
the probable efifect of the completed project on our position in 
the Gulf and in India. 

Under the kilometric guarantee system on which the line is 
built, the remuneration being the same for the easy as for the 
difficult sections, it paid the Railway Company to stop on the 
western side of the Taurus. 

It is pretty certain that the construction annuities leave a 
very substantial balance to the promoters:; and under Article 35 
of the Railway Convention, until the gross receipts per kilometre 
reach 4,500 francs, or £180, per annum, the difference between 
that sum and the actual gross receipts will be made up to the 
Company by the Ottoman Government. It is obvious that 
under this arrangement there can be no loss to the Company so 
long as the gross kilometric receipts are kept down below £180. 
Their interest, therefore, is to discourage traffic, and take the 
balance of profit on construction without running any risk of 
a counter-balance on working expenses, because, when once a 
profit of £400 is reached, the excess above that amount is 

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divided in the proportion of 40 to the Company and 60 to the 
Goyemment, an arrangement unasaaliy favourable to the latter 
party to the agreement. 

The amount might well be considered excessive, but, on the 
other hand, a guarantee of some sort, which is found neoessury 
in India, is far more indispensable in Turkey to the introduction 
of foreign capital. 

The construction guarantee provides that the Turkish 
Government shall pay the Company £10,764 of 4 per cent. Gov- 
ernment bonds for each kilometre completed, according to a 
stringent specification, for which amount, worth about £8,500 
in cash at present, rolling stock also must be provided. Thoi:%h 
this sum left a large margin on the easy Konieh-Eregli, it will 
be quite insufficient on the Taurus, section, which has next to 
be made, and it is doubtful if a profit of more than 15 per cent, 
will be realised on the whole length — not such a very excessive 
rate when the risks of investment in Turkey are considered. 

It would appear, then, that the severe strictures passed upon 
tiie greed and extortion of the promoters are hardly justified 
upon a dispassionate consideration of the facts. A great deal 
of superfluous sympathy is, however, as is usual in England, 
expended upon those ^o either are, or consider themselves to 
be, quite capable of looking after their own interests. 

It must never be forgotten that the Baghdad Railway is a 
German concession in Turkish territory, which originally pro- 
vided for the construction of a railway reaching from the heart of 
Asia Minor to some undefined point upon the Persian Gulf. 

This point is generally regarded as Eoweit, and indeed it is 
hard to say what other place would offer the requisite 

The British have, however, hitherto exercised a practical 
protectorate over the Sheikh of Eoweit, and the promoters of 
the Baghdad Railway acknowledged his independence by 
sending an unsuccessful mission in 1900 to ask him for a 
concession for a harbour. The Turks, when the prospect of 
the construction of the raUway became known, endeavoured to 
assert thttr dormant, if existent, suzerainty. 

In 1901 the senior British naval officer in the Gulf expelled 

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II ' 


from Koweit Harbour, a Turkish corvette with troops, and ^ 
when that town was threatened from Central Arabia, it was ^ 
Great Britain which saved it from destruction. It appears ' 
that the Turks have succeeded in encroaching upon the out- 's 
lying portions of the Sultan of Eoweit's dominions ; but there ^ 
is little fear now of the reassertion of any claims to Koweit '^ 
itself from this quarter, unless Germany should claim " com- ^i 
pensatioQS " in the improbable event of England's extending S 
her influence or augmenting her territory in any direction. ^ 

Under the original agreement only general rights were ^I 
enjoyed beyond Baghdad, and the choice of a terminus was ^ 
expressly reserved for special agreement between the Company k 
and the Turkish Government. Words would be wasted in ^i 
proving that Great Britain should have control over the Gulf J 
section, for nearly 90 per cent, of the trade to Baghdad is h 
British and Indian, and large numbers of Indian subjects visit ^i 
and live at the neighbouring holy places. %l 

But while there are unanswerable reasons why England ^ 
should have the chief control in the Gulf section, there are h 
more good reasons why she should prefer that no railway ''^ 
through Turkey should reach the Gulf. It is by no means '^] 
certain, indeed it is hardly likely, that the construction of ^o 
such a line would increase our trade ; it would probably never h 
pay, and it would bring other nations to what is practically as ^Q 
much a British, as the Caspian is a Russian, lake. '^r 

Now that Germany has arrived at an understanding with *^ 
Russia, as regards railway spheres of interest, she is free to ^ 
push her wares in Central and Southern Persia, and with the % 
aid of the Baghdad Railway and by manipulation of rates she ^^ 
will be able to compete successfully with British goods. ^1 
Germany, and Turkey under her auspices, are already com- ^^ 
mencing to compete with Russia in Northern, and with 
England in Southern, Persia, and Turkey's hold on her more ^^< 
distant eastern provinces will be immensely increased by the ^^ 
completion of this politically important enterprise. ^ 

Besides a branch of the railway from a point near Baghdad ^^ 
to Khanikin, the entry to the Kermanshah route ^^to Persia, ^ 
which it is settled shall be made, branches to t>?»^^^-th have ^ 

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been contemplated from Mosul, Nisibin, aad Harran, and the 
Ottoman Government has entertained the idea of a line from 
Trebizond to Brzerum. These projects have, owing to the 
direct or indirect influence of German offi6ial or unofficial 
agencies, been abandoned, to the satisfaction of Bussia, which 
thus postpones the approach of a strategic railway towards her 

Sir Edward Grey has stated that England can success- 
fully demand guarantees of equal treatment and the absence 
of preferential rates. It can only be hoped that he is justified 
in this pronouncement, but our fate under similar circum- 
stances in other directions does not inspire a firm hope that he 
is right. 

As regards the Baghdad-Khanikin section, when the 
Russian railway is complete from Teheran down to the 
frontier, the whole of the trade of Northern and Central Persia, 
so far as it goes down to the south by the customary caravan 
route to Bushire, will probably be d[iverted to the new line. 
Hence the importance for the protection of British trade of the 
branch, for a concession for which the British Government has 
applied, from Burujird southwards to the Gulf. This route 
.would have a very great advantage over that from Bushire to 
me interior by way of Shiraz and Ispahan, which is one of the 
worst tracks in the world, and by its adoption British goods 
^or Persia would not need to enter Turkish territory, as the 
line would run through the whole length, north and south, of 
the sphere which was left neutral under the Anglo-Persian 
agreement. This railway would also connect with the 
Dontemplated Russian line from Teheran to Ehanikin, to 
^hioh place a branch of the Baghdad Railway will be con- 

It is not likely that this British concession can be refused in 
riew of the autograph letter of Nasr-ed-Din Shah of 1888, in 
vhich he declared " that his former promise with regard to^^the 
>riority of the British Government over others in the construction 
^f the southern railways held good, that certainly whenever a 
railway concession in the north was given to others, imme- 
diately a '^ssion for a railway from Teheran to Shustar 


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should be ^iven to an English company, and that no southern 
railway concession would, without consultation with the 
British Oovemment, be granted to any foreign country." These 
explicit assurances were confirmed in 1900 by Muzaffer-ed- 
Din Shah, are in full force to the present day, and are not 
likely to be repudiated so long as Great Britain and Russia 
act in accord. 

Owing to the fact that the greater part of the northern shore 
of the Persian Gulf is declared to be a neutral sphere under 
the Anglo-Russian Convention, it is by no means impossible 
that if Germany controlled the Gulf section of the Baghdad 
Railway, German policy might contemplate the extension of 
the line from Basra along the coast of the Gulf to, or beyond, 
Bushire. It is obvious that Great Britain should carefully 
watch all developments of this far-reaching proposition, though 
Russia, which was understood to regard the whole scheme 
with cUsapproval, may have been, and obviously has been for 
the moment, pacified. 

True it is that the German concessionaires have now 
renounced the right they had under the original concession 
to construct the section from Baghdad to the Gulf, for the 
good reason that funds are obviously not likely to be forth- 
coming for the completion of the whole length. But new 
conventions were signed in the spring of 1911 dealing with the 
construction from El Halif to Baghdad, and with a new branch 
of 38^ miles to Alexandretta, to which no kilometric guarantee 
is attached. This compensation for the renunciation of the 
Gulf section is more than sufficient, for it will probably draw 
to the Mediterranean, by the new route, all the traffic which 
now goes to Baghdad and southwards to the British sphere 
of the Gulf. 

The concession for the Baghdad Railway covers a period of 
ninety-nine years, but its life will be longer, because the 
terms run from the dates on which the bonds in connection 
with the different sections are issued. 

Amongst the minor concessions and exemptions comprised 
in the original scheme was included the right to found a port 
on the future terminus at the Gulf, and an unrestricted right 

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of nayigation in the Tigris and Euphrat^, to exolosive control 
of which the Turkish Gk>Yemment now puts f<»rward a probably 
untenable pretension. 

It is said that the stipulation which found place in the 
original concession, to the effect that the Oulf section should 
not be begun until the line was completed as far as Baghdad, 
was insisted on by the ex-Sultan Abdul Hamid, for the express 
purpose of keeping Britain back till Germany was well 
established in the Mesopotamian capital. 

The Turkish Groyemment believe, it is said, that the line 
wiU be completed within five years as far as Baghdad, but 
this is probably an altogether over-sanguine estimate. 

The conventions created in 1911 between the Ottoman 
Government and the Baghdad Railway Company are four in 

The first makes financial provision for the construction 
between El Halif and Baghdad, the second gives the Company 
the right to build a branch to the Mediterranean at Alexan- 
dretta, the third gives power to the Company to construct a 
new port at the same place, and the fourth relates to the 
continuation from Baghdad to Busra and to the Persian Gulf. 
There can be no doubt that the acquisition of the port of 
Alexandretta is a serious matter, for the Germans, as Mr. 
Lynch pointed out, have now obtained full and imdisputed 
control of the machinery of transport and connection from the 
coast of the Mediterranean to the frontier of Persia.* 

It is true that the German syndicate at the same time 
renounced its right to construct the section from Baghdad 
to the Gulf, and left Turkey free to provide for this section by 
internal arrangement; but Germany under the scheme is 
entitled to have a share equal to that of any other Power 
in this section. The British-built trade on the lower Tigris 
is no doubt endangered, for Germany will have under her 
control, not only the trunk railway, but the branch to 
Elhanikin on the Persian frontier, which must divert trade 
from Busra and the Gulf to Alexuidretta and the Mediter- 

* Fortnightly Beview, May, 1911 ; *' The Baghdad BaUway," M. Ch^ra- 
dftme, Oentral Asian Society, 1911. 

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ranean. There is also reason to fear that Baghdad itself may, 
like Alexandretta, be leased to the Grerman syndicate. 

It is not known what success has attended the negotiations 
between the British and Persian Ooyernments for the opening 
of the Karun Valley by railway, but this is not the only 
railway scheme affecting Persia now under consideration.'*' 

Railways to Indu. 

One proposal is to link Baku on the Caspian with Quetta 
by a line from the Trans-Caucasian Railway skirting the shore 
of the Caspian and crossing the Elburz mountains to Teheran, 
whence it would run through Eashan, Yezd, and Kerman to 
British Baluchistan. The latter part of this, the Russian scheme, 
lies through desert, but from the shores of the Caspian to 
Herman is an easy alignment which admits of diversion 
to Bam and Bampur and thence to Kotri on the Indus or 
to Karachi. 

Russia, however, might prefer to make a line from Teheran 
to Mashad, whence it would be easy to link up with her system 
in Turkestan. 

Of course, it remains to be seen whether Germany can, 
without British help, raise money for the farther prosecution 
of the Baghdad Railway, but until this great project is more 
actively prosecuted than it is at present, Russian railway 
schemes in Persia will probably not be stimulated into great 
activity, and Germany cares less about Eoweit, but confidently 
looks to tapping Persian trade through the branch from 
Khanikin to Baghdad. 

In 1903 the position very generally adopted was that, with 
the Baghdad Railway, and particularly the Gulf section, under 
the control of the greatest military Power in the world, the 
British position in Egypt would be enveloped, the route to 
India would be turned, and Persia would be bound to a 
Power far more to be dreaded and far more formidable, in 
fact, than Russia. 

The disposition now is to disregard these apprehensions, and 

• *' RaUways In the Middle East." H. F. B. Lynch ; " Proposed Trans- 
Persian Railway," by Colonel Yate, 

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FOREIGN AFPMRS: :\r:;;:i^y^ 

to doubt whether this railway will ever be used as an alterna- 
tive to the present sea route to India, since a sea journey 
of over 1,100 miles is inevitable ; the climate of the Oulf is 
worse than that of the Bed Sea, the mail service by the latter 
route admits of considerable acceleration, if competition super- 
venes, and for goods the longer sea line must always be the 
cheaper.* India therefore is less directly concerned than 
might be supposed, but the effect of the intrusion of Germany 
into the Gi:df would be most unfortunate and indirectly dis- 
astrous. Now, however, that the Gulf section is withdrawn 
from the German concession, a means of accommodation is 
afforded. But if British capital makes, or participates in 
making, this section, which can only pay, if the Mesopotamian 
irrigation schemes mature, Britain must decide upon the loca- 
tion of the terminus, whether it should be at Busra, forty-five 
miles up the joint Tigris and Euphrates, or Shat-el-Arab, or 
preferably at Eoweit, the only natural harbour on the Gulf, 
situated a little to the south of the mouth of the river. The 
Eoweit question brings us into direct conflict with Turkish 
pretensions in that region, which might yet give no little 

Every consideration points to the wisdom of non-intervention 
in Albania, wherein the British philanthropists are urging that 
we should interfere, and wherein our interference would neces- 
sarily exasperate the Turks. Sir Edward Grey gave great 
satisfaction to sober-minded men by saying in Parliament 
that "the Government could not contemplate the sort of 
intervention," irritating and ineffectual, he might have 
added, <* which took place under the old regime in Mace- 
donia. The Great Powers of Europe had no desire to be 
drawn into intervention in Turkey, which would mean the 
destruction of the new regime and the hopes founded upon it."f 
There seems happily to be little fear that Great Britain will be 
persuaded to take a ''humanitarian initiative" on this occa- 
sion, albeit the " Liberal and Constitutional Committee," which 
is masked by the Ottoman Parliament, has proved no more 

* The Times (''British Interests m the Persian Gnlf.''), Jnly 25, 1911. 
t ParUamentary Debates, July 28, 1911. 

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/ififc:\*: v:-}tWB|ffiN^^ POLITICAL PROBLEMS 

acceptable to the associations and humanitarians than the 
" Great Assassin," Abdul Hamid. 


The intervention of the French in June, 1911, in the 
internal a£EEurs of Morocco may be fairly held to have been 
directly within the terms of the Algeciras Act, the Madrid 
Treaty of 1880, and the Secret Treaty between France and 
Spain of 1904.* The French, moreover, entered the country 
by the egress invitation of the Sultan, and for the purpose of 
strengthening his authority, but the Spanish intervention at 
Alcazar was uninvited by the Sultan, and was a patent breach 
of the Algeciras Agreement. It was, moreover, so regarded 
by the tribes. 

It is roundly asserted, however, in Radical quarters, which 
charge themselves with the protection of all non-European 
nations, that the French expedition to Fez was a wanton 
exploitation of a meaningless scare arranged by stockbrokers, 
who deal in Moorish loans, and by armour-plate firms, a^d as 
soon as France decided to send troops, Germany instructed 
her legation at Tangier to investigate the expulsion by the 
French of a German mining expedition from Debu. Now, 
Germany handles only 10 per cent, of the total trade with 
Morocco, as against 40 per cent, in British, and an almost 
equal amount in French, hands. Cotton goods are the chief 
imports from England, and the total trade is worth upwards 
of 2^ millions sterling to this country. The German need for 
new markets was stimulated by the proposed treaty between 
Canada and the United States, which must have had &e 
effect of checking their exports. Local interests have accord- 
ingly been created in North Africa, as they have been in Asia 
Minor, upon which diplomatic agreements have been founded^ 
and Germany has practically torn up the Algeciras Act and the 
Franco-German agreement of 1909, by sending warships to 
Agadir. She has no valuable rights in Morocco, for the 
renundation of which she can fairly claim compensation. No 
Powers other than France and Spain have other than eoonomio 
* No. 24 Treaty Series 1911 [Gd. 5969]. 

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interests in Morocco, and there was no possible justification, 
other than such as is derived from the law of the strongest, for 
the demand that France should cede the coast and interior of 
the French Congo up to the Sanga Biver, together with French 
rights of pre-emption in the Ck>ngo, as compensation to Gee- 
many for loss of rights, which she never possessed, in Motocco. 
Indeed, Germany expressly recognised as much in her agree- 
ment of February, 1909, with France, when she declared 
that "the special political mterests of France are closely bound 
up with the consolidation of order and peace in the interior," 
and that she was '* resolved not to impede these interests." * 

The expedition to Fez was not challenged by Germany, 
and there can be no pretence that there was any similar 
justification for the German *' demonstration " at Agadir. 

By the Anglo-French Convention of 1904 this country 
recognised the right of France to assist in the administrative, 
economic, financial, and military reforms of Morocco, and the 
Algeciras Act recognised the special position of France and 
Spain in regard to that country, and at the same time declared 
that order, peace, and prosperity could only be based upon 
the triple principle of the sovereignty and independence of the 
Sultan of Morocco and the integrity of his State. 

Mr. Asquithf stated in July, 1911 that the French and 
German Governments were engaged in negotiations to which 
Great Britain was not a party, and that she would in no case 
interfere with territorial arrangements considered reasonable 
by those directly interested. Failing a settlement, we should, 
however, he intimated, become an active party in the discus- 
sion of the situation, as a signatory of the Treaty of Algeciras, 
under the terms of our agreement of 1904 with France, and 
possibly in defence of British interests directly affected by 
further developments. Mr. Balfour added a few impressive 
and patriotic words, and the occasion was not allowed to pass 
without a jarring note from the Labour Party, the leader of 
which for the time, Mr. Macdonald, said that if the path of 
peace was to be wrecked his friends would stand by peace 
after it was wrecked, by which presumably he referred to the 
* The Time$t July 28, 1911. f Parliamentary Debates, July 28, 1911. 

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sinister and odiously unpatriotio threat of a general strike, by 
which our arms might be paralyzed in case of war, which is 
one of the articles of the Internationalist Socialist creed. 

Finally, in November, 1911, an agreement'^' was concluded 
whereby Germany gave France a free hand politically in 
Morocco. German economic interests in that country were 
safeguarded, and cessions in the French Congo increased the 
German Gameroons by an area estimated at from 100,000 to 
200,000 square miles. On November 27th, Sir E. Grey, while 
studiously conciliatory in tone, showed in the House of 
Commons that Germany had wholly failed to shake the Anglo- 
French entente^ that England had expressed her intention of 
standing by her frieud whatever the consequences might be, 
and he said that " when one nation had the biggest army in the 
world, and a big navy which it was going to increase, it must 
do all in its power to prevent a natural apprehension that it 
had aggressive intentions.' ' Mr. Bonar Law strongly supported 
Sir E. Grey, whose spirited action met with considerable 
opposition on his own side of the House, and provoked an 
open attack by Lord Courtney in the House of Lords. A 
feature of this incident, which met with universal disapproval, 
was the bellicose and untimely intervention of the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, Mr. George, and the general result was that 
England and Germany were left in the position of potential 
antagonism, which they previously occupied. 

Alliance with Japan. 

Under Lord Lansdowne's Treaty of 1905 with Japan, 
England was bound to come to her assistance in war in 
certain definite contingencies. 

The objects of the Treaty were : — 

(a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in the 
regions of Eastern Asia and of India ; 

(b) The preservation of the common interests of all Powers in China by 
insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and the 
principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all 
nations in China; 

* This agreement, ratified by the Chamber of Deputies, on December 
20th, 1911, awaits ratification of the French Senate. 

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(c) The nudnienanoe of the territorial rights of the High Gontractiiig 
Furties in the regions of Eastern Asia and of India, and the defence of 
their special interests in the said regions. 

In order to carry out these objects the following agreement 
was made by Article 2, viz, : — 

**If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action, wherever 
arising, on the part of any other Power or Powers either Contracting 
Party should be involved in war in defence of its territorial rights or 
special interests mentioned in the preamble of this Agreement, the other 
Contracting Party will at once come to the assistance of its ally, and will 
conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement 
with it." 

It will be clear that the clauses providing for mutual 
assistance in war given by one to the other of the High Con- 
tracting Parties could not apply when one of such Parties was 
fighting a nation with which the other Party to the Treaty had 
concluded an Arbitration Agreement. 

The Alliance was accordingly revised and renewed in July, 
1911, for a period of ten years from date of signature, its 
provisions and objects being unchanged except in respect of the 
omission of stipulations, now unnecessary, regarding Japanese 
rights in Gorea and British rights on the Indian frontier, 
and of the insertion of the new Article 4, which is given 
below, viz.: — 

'* Should either High Contracting Party conclude a treaty of general 
arbitration with a third Power, it is agreed that nothing in this Agreement 
shaU entaU upon such Contracting Party an obligation to go to war with 
the Power with whom such treaty of arbitration is in force." 

One of the most significant features of the new Agreement 
is not recorded, namely, the fact that its revision and renewal 
were carried out after full consultation at the Imperial Con- 
ference with the Dominion Premiers, who, it is believed, gave 
the Treaty their complete support. The renewal of the 
Alliance causes general satisfaction in Australia, because it 
gives her ten years in which to strengthen her defences,'*' in 
Canada because the practical exclusion of the United States 
from its operation removes the only serious objection held by 
• The Times, July 17, 1911. 

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her to the Alliance, m America because of the acceptance of 
the principle of Mr. Taft's proposed treaty of arbitration and 
because of its proof of a friendly disposition on the part of 
Japan towards the United States. 

The Frankfurter Zeitung observed * that the Treaty would, 
in the event of a war between England and Germany, acquire 
a very real importance ; and it is probable no disappointment 
would have been felt in Germany had the Alliance been 
wrecked upon the difficulties between England and America, 
which resulted from the tension between the latter country 
and Japan. 

ABauifENTS Fob and Against thb Maintbnanob of 
Friendly RbiiAtions with Russia. 


1. Bassia is fast adopting Bepresentative Institutions, and her present 
ruler has created a Parliament, assisted the Parliamentarians in Persia, 
and established the Hague Conference. 

2. The internal and financial administration of Russia is a matter with 
which we have no concern. 

3. As a fact bitter enemies of the Russian Government, against which 
they are offenders, and by which they have been expelled from Russia, 
are busily occupied all over Europe in misrepresenting the state of affairs 
in the Russian Empire. 

4. We have important trade relations with Russia, are near neighbours 
in Asia engaged in the same civilising mission, and our friendly co-opera- 
tion is most advantageous to ourselves and to the world. 

5. Russia and England are both close friends and almost allies of 
France, and both have occasion to dread the rapid aggrandisement and 
increasing strength of Germany. 


1. It is not desirable that the British democracy should be sissociated 
with an autocratic Power like Russia, which denies liberty of thought, of 
the press, and of speech. 

2. Friendly visits should not be exchanged between the Czar and the 
King, which would increase the credit of Russia and enable the Russian 
Government to raise money in London for the coercion of its subjects and 
the strengthening of autocracy. 

July 15, 1911. 

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8. The evidence of Bussians exiled and persecuted for their political 
opinions should not be the subject of suspicion. They are martyrs in the 
cause of progress and liberty. 

4. Her Gbvemmenf s treatment of Unland and of the Duma proves 
that Russia has not sincerely entered upon the path of parliamentary 

Abgumbnts Fob and Against Rboent Russian Legislation 
begabding finland. 


1. The unwelcome intervention of foreigners must produce a feeling of 
resentment, which cannot but express itself in hostility to Finland. The 
relations between Russia and Finland are of a d(Hne8tio character, like 
those existing between Great Britain and Lreland, with which Russia does 
not attempt to interfere. 

2. The Finnish Parliament still predominates in respect of legislation 
regarding, and the general management of, Finnish affairs. 

8. No laws can be passed without reference to the Finnish Senate for 
opinion, and Finland is duly represented in the Duma. 

4. The previously existing constitution of Finland could not survive in 
its entirety the creation of the Duma and of the Imperial Ck>uncil, and 
the changes made, amount to the introduction of parliamentary, and the 
cessation of autocratic, rule in the Grand Duchy. 

5. The opposition to Russia in finland is Swedish, not Finnish, and 
does not exist among the latter Nationals.* The Swedish Party have 
been plotting to wrest Finland from Russia, and have joined in the 
Russian revolutionary movement, of which the murders of Bobrikoff 
and Plehve were incidents. The Swedes are only 14 per oent. of the 

6. The pro-Finnish agitation in Europe was carefully organised by 
certain anti-Russian and pro-NihiHst revolutionaries from Finland. 

7. Russian repressive action dates from the adoption of active anti- 
Russian measures by Finnish Swedes. 

8. Russia cannot be bound by an undertaking only to promulgate laws 
with the consent of the Finni^ Diet, now that that body has adopted 
universal sufErage. Women cannot run the Russian Empire. 


1. The Emperors of Russia are sworn to respect the internal autonomy 
of Finland, which has nevertheless been whittled away from time to time 
by Russian autocracy. 

' The IHnnish Revolution," by G. Dobson, p. 11. 


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2. The abolition of Finnish autonomy will injure Russia in the eyes of 
Europe, and be regarded as an infraction of the solemn engagement 
of Alexander I. 

3. The Russian policy of unification is opposed to the policy of 
Alexander I. and his successors. 

4. Finland was not iDCorporated in the Russian Empire, but only 
attached to it under the personal rule of the Emperor as Grand Duke. 

Abgumbnts For and Against Retreat to the Coast, and 
Abandonment op Hinterland of Somaliland. 


1. While we remain in Somaliland we do the Mullah no harm, ourselves 
no good, and spend much money. 

2. Concentration and withdrawal to the coast was favoured by 
Conservative as well as by Liberal Governments, but the time for carrying 
out the policy arrived under the latter administration. 

3. The construction of railways into the interior is necessary for 
continued retention, and the necessary expenditure would be unjustifi- 

4. We have no moral right to subjugate the free inhabitants of the 
country, who have done us no harm, and we obtained no commercial or 
other adequate return by our occupation of the interior of this barren 


1. C3ncentration and withdrawal to the coast amounts to abandonment 
of the country and of friendly tribes, and is fatal to British prestige not 
only in Somaliland, but in Arabia, East Africa, India, and the neighbouring 

2. The Mullah had ceased to be a power in Somaliland, and peaceful 
occupation was almost in sight. 

3. General Manning, who was sent to carry out the withdrawal policy, 
admitted that the subsequent outlook for the friendly tribes was far from 

4. The tribes have no moral right to be independent. They became 
subject to others because they were not able to govern themselves in peace 
and order. They profited by the British occupation. 

Arqumbnts For and Against Rbpresentatiyb Institutions 
AND THE Like Reforms in Eotpt. 


1. British rule has encouraged education and freedom of speech, and 
should act up to the principles it adopts by giving the Egyptian people a 
predominant voice in the settlement of their own afbirs. 

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2. It is not jost to ednoate people and then deprive them of openings 
for the use and display of the qualifications they have acquired. 

3. The people of Egypt are homogeneous, and the difficulties arising in 
India from the presence of many nationalities under one Government do 
not exist. 

4. The British Government in Egypt has heen prone to undue severity, 
notahly in the punishments awarded by the Deanshawai Tribunal, of which 
the assassinated Prime Minister was President. 

5. The rejection by the Legislative Oounoil of the Sues Ganal scheme 
and of various measures of repression followed upon due and proper 
discussion, and there is no evidence of the unfitness of the Egyptians for 
the performance of legislative and executive functions. 

6. England has protested, on the last occasion by the mouth of Sir 
Eldon Gorst, that she will only remain in Egypt till the Egyptians are fit 
to rule themselves, a time which has now arrived. 

7. The policy of associating Egyptians to a greater extent with the 
administration of the country, begun by Lord Cromer, continued by Sir 
Eldon Gorst, should be carried to completion by Lord Kitchener. 


1. The English in Egypt are the trustees of Europe. Other nations 
would resent concessions to the clamour of a small minority, which would 
prove injurious to the majority in Egypt, and to bondholders in Europe. 

2. The concessions we have made to a factious opposition have already 
caused Europe and America to doubt our good faith. 

3. Egypt, and the Sudan, in a still greater degree, are unfit for repre- 
sentative government, if indeed there is any proof that at any future tima 
this form of government will be suited to the land of Egypt, which under 
Britain has ceased to be a house of bondage. 

4. The attacks on British administration have proceeded from im- 
ponderable agitators, ill-informed and irresponsible Members of 
Parliament, and from German competing capitalists. 

5. The experiments already made in the direction of representative 
government have been most disastrous, and resulted in the rejection by 
the Legislative Council of useful and popular measures, in agitation, 
sedition, and organised assassination. 

Abgumbnts Fob and Aqainst the Bbooonition of thb 
Annexation of thb CSonoo by Bblqixtm. 


1. The Belgians have admittedly greatly improved the condition of the 
Congo. They are no less humane than ourselves, and wholly to abolish 
cruelties or uncivilised practices of immemorial use in a short period is 

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2. Britain oannot go to war with Germany and Belgium in order to 
indulge the humanitarian proclivities of those who shut their eyes to the 
chief factors in the situation. 

3. Forced labour, to which particular exception is taken, is an insti- 
tution established from time immemorial, known of the people, racy of 
the soil, and impossible of speedy eradication. 

4. The evidence of cruelty on the part of Belgian officers is generally, 
like the evidence upon the abuse of the liquor trade in Southern Nigeria, 
unreliable, and whenever cruelty has been proved, the perpetrator has been 
sever^y punished. 

5. The Belgian 6h>vemment has not asked f^, and is under no obligation 
to seek, formal recognition from the signatory Powers. The United 
States Government has already implicitly recognised annexation.* 

6. The right of the natives to harvest the products of the soil is now 
admitted by the Belgian administration. 

7. Our responsibility under the Berlin Act f is not greater than that of 
other nations, who are parties to that instrument, and it is neither 
necessary nor proper Ito take the execution of tiie Act into our own 

8. The Congo is not a British possession, and no serious alternative to 
Belgian annexation has ever been put forward. 

9. The diplomatic action of England has been more insistent than that 
of any other Power, and public opinion will not support other than 
diplomatic representation. 


1. Belgium, through her King, through companies, and now through 
the Government, has levied and is levying an unduly large toll from the 

2. She does not propose to restore freedom of trade and labour to 
districts conceded to companies. 

3. Serious and admitted abuses have attended the collection of 

4. The system of forced labour still survives almost unchecked, and this 
is practicfdly slavery. 

5. Such concessions of freedom of trade and labour as have been made 
are practically valueless, owing to the fact that in the districts in which 
they operate, trusts, in which the Government is interested, hold complete 
sway, so that no private merchant can compete with them. 

6. ** The Congo is a territory towards which and its population we have 
undertaken a most solemn responsibility.'* { 

* The Time$, August 3, 1911, telegrun from Brussels, 
f General Act of International Congo Conference, 1885. 
I Mr. Asquith's speech. Mansion House, November, 1909. 

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7. *' The retention 1^ the Bdgian GoTemment of the Congo Adminis- 
tmtion's policy, under whioh all land is treated as 'yacant,' deprives 
the native races of all guarantees of future security, and constitutes a 
monstrous invasion of human rights." * 

8. The Ck>ngo is called upon to provide emoluments for members of the 
Belgian Boyal Family, and to contribute largely to the upkeep of diverse 
establishments in Belgium, contrary to all modem conceptions of just 
Colonial administration. 

9. The British Government is pledged not to recognise annexation till 
it has satisfactory reports from its agents showing that the necessary 
changes in the treatment of the natives have been effected. 

Abouhsnts Fob and Against Bbitish Pabticipation 
IN THE Baghdad Railway. 


1. The Power which controls the Baghdad Railway, and particularly 
the Gulf section, will dominate South- Western Persia and Mesopotamia, 
and will menace the security of the Indian Empire. 

2. British trade and interests are supreme in the Gulf and in certain 
contiguous regions. 

8. As Germany has a claim to equal participation with any other Power 
in the Baghdad-Busra or Gulf section, and has the concession up to 
Baghdad, it would be a serious blow to British prestige and to British 
trade had she no share in the section nearest to her sphere of influence. 

4. The completion of the line to Baghdad, with a branch to Khanikin, 
must divert trade from the Shat-el Arab and the Gulf, whioh are in the 
British sphere, and the British should have an interest, with which 
to negotiate and bargain. 


1. The Baghdad Railway route to India will never supersede the Red 
Sea route, being hotter and more troublesome, and including also a sea 
journey of no less than 1,100 miles. 

3. The Gulf section, Baghdad to Busra, is no longer included in the 
German concession, and Britain need not trouble herself about Meso- 
potamia and Asia Minor. 

8. The assent of England and France is necessary to an increase in 
the Turkish customs, without which no sufficient money can be raised 
to pay guarantees and interest. Such increase would operate chiefly 
against British trade, and need not be sanctioned by us. 

" The Future of the Oongo," E. D. Morel, p. 59. 

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4. The Baghdad Railway would never pay as a eommeroial undertaking, 
while the Q^rman conceseion for a line to Alexandretta must divert trade 
from the direction of the Gulf in the direction of the Mediterranean. 

5. The less easy it is made for any other Power to approach the Persian 
Gulf and India the better for the British Empire. 


Proceedings of Central Asian Society—- 

Railways in the Middle East. By H. F. B. Lynch. 1911. 

The Baghdad Railway. By M. Gh^radame. 1911. 

Asiatic Turkey and the New Regime. By Mark Sykes. 1909. 

The New Regime in Turkey. By Sir R. Hamilton Lang. 1909. 

The Future of British Relations with Persia. By H. F. B. Lynch. 
The Finnish Question. By N. N. Korewo, St. Petersburg. 1911. 
The Situation of Finland. By Waldemar Ohurberg, St. Petersburg. 1911. 
Finland. By Lieut.-General Borodkin, St. Petersburg. 1911. 
The Finnish Revolution. By G. Dobson, St. Petersburg. 1911. 
The Rights of Finland. By Professor Berendts, St. Petersburg. 1910. 
Return by H.M.'s Agent and Consul-General on Finances, &c., of Egypt 

and Sudan, Cd. 6633. 1911. 
Secret History of the Einglish Occupation of Egypt. By Wilfrid Boawen 

The Marches of Hindustan. By David Fraser. 
The Future of the Congo. By E. D. Morel. 
The Opium Trade. By David Maclaren. 
An Eastern Miscellany. By the Earl of Ronaldshay, M.P. 
The Congo Reforms. By a Belgian Minister. 
British Interests in the Persian Gull The THmes, June 19th, July 6th, 

8th, lath, Uth, 22nd, 25th, August 1st, 8th 1911. 
Ynutrennoe Samostayatelnost Finlandia. By Prince Esper Ychtomsky. 

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INDIA and its problems have been discussed by many writers 
in many aspects during the last few years, amongst others 
by the writer of these pages.* Articles upon the Indian 
Empire, able and authentic as are all those published by The 
TimeSt will be found in the special issue of that journal for 
May 24, 1911.f Pamphleteers, political week-enders, breathless 
philanthropists, heedless altruists, and empirical politicians of 
every sort have raced across various parts of the peninsula in 
the train, and have returned to readily yield to the pressure 
of those who assure them that an anxious public is impatiently 
awaiting the appearance in print of their impressions. It is 
therefore unnecessary to add, as it would be outside the scope 
of the writer*s instructions to attempt, any survey of the Indian 
Empire. There are, however, certain Indian questions which 
may be regarded as current and controversial, and to deal with 
sudi briefly and succinctly falls within the author's present 

India in Pabliambnt. 

Unceasing endeavours are made in Parliament, by the same 
group which opposes its fellow-countrymen engaged in the 
service of the Empire all over the world, to drag India into 
the fatal orbit of party politics. Extreme Radicals, Labour 
Members, faddists, altruists, sentimentalists, and Nationalists 
have all got a finger in the Indian pie, and from recent signs 
and portents it appears not improbable that some of them hope 

♦ "The Real India,'» by J. D. Bees, M.P., 1908; "Modem India," 
by Sir J. D. Rees, K.O.I.B., M.P., 1910. 
t Bepabliflhed in one volmne under the title, "India and the Durbar.'* 

9 iw 

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to extract therefrom the proverbial plum. During the Parlia- 
ment of 1906-1910 determined efforts were made to support 
sedition in India, but Lord Morley deliberately declined to 
damage India and endanger the Empire in order to satisfy 
those whom he humorously and aptly described as " the 
simpletons of democracy." * These gentlemen argue that 
as soon as an ordinary Briton is invested with any authority 
over subject races, he throws off all humane and upright 
attributes, and becomes an "oppressor of such as are poor 
and. comforter," and they allege that "on the 
side of the oppressors there is power," and that the poor 
Indians "have no comforter," It is, of course, the case 
that great cruelties were practised by the Spaniards in 
South America, and that the English, like other Europeans, 
when exempt from supervision and the pressure of public 
opinion, might develop a haughty and tyrannical attitude 
towards subject races ;f but the history of India at any 
rate offers no justification for any such theory, and the 
inhabitants, with the exception of those who organise or join 
the present seditious movement, have testified by their 
attitude to the fact that they regard the British as eminently 
just and impartial rulers. At the present day, and any time 
during the last twenty-five years, English administrators in 
India, so far from being exempt from criticism, have been 
subjected to the most searching and unfriendly inquisition on 
the part of certain organs of the vernacular Press, all of* 
which are habitually scanned by officials (of whom the writer 
was one), whose duty it is to bring to the notice of the 
Government any reflection, justifiable or unjustifiable, on the 
conduct of public officers. Not only does this safeguard exist, 
but surely no public functionary ever lived in such a glass house 
as one who from morning to night is the centre round which 

* Parliamentary Debates, House of Lords, June 80, ld08. 

t On the date on which these lines were written, exactly one hundred 
years ago, a Member of Council, an English planter of position in the 
West Indies, was hanged for having a negro on his estates flogged to 
death. This is evidence that even a century ago violence to subject 
races was hardly tolerated by the British Government. 

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INDIA 115 

oircnlate thousands of intrigues, the cynosure of every neigh- 
bouring eye, the dispenser of patronage, the wieider of power, 
the sun around which revolve all the local administrative, 
financial, judicial, municipal, and social constellations. Lord 
Lytton, when Viceroy, wrote : — 

<* I cannot be for one second alone. I sit in my private 
room, and if I look through the window there are two sentinels. 
If I open the door, there are two jemadars If I steal out of 
the house, I find myself stealthily followed by a tail of fifteen 
persons." * 

Indian Officialdom. 

An Indian official cannot cough but an attendant rushes in 
to know what he wants, and he has far less chance of abusing 
his power than a public servant in this country, who can do 
pretty much as he Ukes, provided no one asks questions about 
his acts in the House of Gomm<His. 


Controversies regarding the administrative division of the 
old Province of Bengal, and the reforms introduced by Lords 
Morley and Minto into the Legislative Councils in India, can 
hardly at the present moment be said to be current, though the 
latter will inevitably recur.t The only questions which just now 
can be properly described as current political problems are those 
connected with the reduction of the Indian army, the conduct 
and capacity of the Indian police, the abolition of the opium 
trade with China, the tariff question, the education problem, 
and the eternal controversy about the so-called drain. The 
unrest in India has been fully treated in so many books 
in recent years that nothing more than a summary of the 
arguments is needed. It is indisputable that great anxiety is 
felt by those conversant with Indian politics, in consequence of 

• The Times, Empire edition, May 24, 1911. 

t It was nevertheless announced by the King-Emperor on Dec. 12, 1911, 
at Delhi, that the partition would be canceUed, Bengal and Eastern Bengal 
reunited under a Governor in GouncU, Assam again made a Chief Cbmmis- 
sionership, a new Lieutenant-Governorship created of Behar, Chota 
Nagpur, and Orissa, and the capital of India transferred from Calcutta 
to Delhi. 

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the action taken in Bengal, no doubt with the concurrence of, 
or under instructions from, the Indian Goyemment, in making 
a compact * with certain accused persons in a case of robbery 
with violence tried before a special tribunal of the High 
Court. It is an entirely novel and exceedingly ominous 
feature of government in India, that an agreement should be 
made to the effect that the accused in a serious crime should, 
because forsooth they claim to be political offenders, plead 
guilty on the understanding that they would be released to 
appear when called up for judgment. At the same time 
the High Court in Calcutta has played a part, which has unfor- 
tunately become habitual in recent years, of opposition to the 
police and the executive Government. It will be convenient, 
therefore, to take first the vexed question of the conduct of the 

Thb Polig£. 

Dealing with the attacks made in England on the Indian 
police, it must be remarked at the outset that the latter force 
is recruited from all classes of all peoples which inhabit all the 
countries in the Indian peninsula. It has proportionately 
fewer European officers than any other department, and may 
therefore be justly regarded as a mirror of Indian administra- 
tive capacity or incapacity. The methods of the police 
which are seized upon by critics are the native methods, and 
their standards are the native standards of Indian administra- 
tion. If occasionally they relapse into ill-usage of prisoners 
it should be remembered that prior to British rule torture 
was an ordinary and recognised feature of Indian police and 
judicial administration. Abuse of the force is emphatically 
abuse of the natives of India, and condemnation of its methods 
is condemnation of native rule. Yet those who are loudest in 
criticism profess themselves to be ardent admirers of natives 
of India and strong supporters of the government of India by 
native methods. 

The evidence of an impartial outsider possesses special 
value, and fortunately such is not wanting upon this impor- 

* Lord Morley in House of Lords, July 19, 1911. 

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INDIA 117 

ianl question. M. Chailley, an eminent French publicist and 
deputy, and a distinguished writer upon and student of the 
government and colonisation of dependencies, published in 
1909 his work on the administrative problems of British India.'*' 
It is di£Bcult at first sight to account for the fact that 
Brahmins and Babus connected with the Congress, the 
boycott, and the seditious Samiti movements, should attack a 
body so eminently and exceptionally Indian as the police, but 
the reason is not far to seek. They must take up this attitude 
in order to explain the assistance the sedition movement has 
received from Brahmins and Babus of good position, who have 
time and again been convicted of instigation of, and complicity 
with, crime. The inefficiency and corruption of the police, 
who in the proper performance of duty put their friends in 
prison, is therefore an essential plank in their platform. 
M. Ohailley, however, sympathises with the force and with 
the executive Government in the difficulties they experience 
owing to the '* exigency of the High Courts in matters of 
evidence." "The lower tribunals," he says, "which are 
nearer the native population, and the magistrates of the first 
instance, who are largely native, know the customs of the 
country, and content themselves with proofs which rest on 
what one might call common sense. The superior courts 
have another standard which often renders conviction im- 
possible." "The executive," he continues, "asks for 
remedies, and is supported in this by the bulk of native 
opinion, but not by the Babus, by men of the University and 
the Bar, or by the Badical Party in England." t 

Since this was written the Executive have, however, afforded 
in the Ehulna dacoity case an exhibition of composition with 
crime which is as novel as it is unfortunate. 

Lord Curzon's Commission on the Indian Police, referring 
to certain cases of torture upon which the accusers of the 
force had relied, added that "such cases are now rare," 
qualifying words which the accusers have conveniently 

* " Administrative Problems of British India," by M. Joseph GhaiUey, 
translated by Sir William Meyer, K.O.I.E. 
t Ibid., p. 483. 

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omitted from their indiotments. Indeed, the cases brought 
forward have generally been garbled and misrepresented for 
parliamentary consumption, and members of the anti-British 
group have not scrupled to accuse the Government of India 
of condoning torture, and the police of making away with a 
woman convicted of murdering her husband by an experienced 
European civilian judge and two of her own fellow-countrymen 
sitting as assessors. Numerous questions on this subject, 
probably drafted by a syndicate in Calcutta, were put by 
members of the anti-British group in Parliament; nor did 
these gentlemen hesitate to suggest that the European police 
officers in India suborned native members of the force to bring 
false evidence and make charges against their own countrymen. 

High Coubts. 

Barristers who have not been appointed judges by Govern- 
ment often appoint themselves judges of Government, and 
such as are appointed to the High Courts in India have not 
been conspicuously successful at home. No rising barrister 
will leave England to spend upwards of a decade on the Bench 
in India in order to earn a pension of £1,200 a year. The bait 
is not big enough, but those who obtain these appointments, 
pitchforked into positions in which they judge subordinate judicial 
officers (immeasurably superior to themselves in knowledge of 
the people, the country, its languages and customs), almost 
invariably fall into the error which attracted the attention of 
M. Chailley, and become, as the Calcutta High Court has lately 
become, a stumbling-block and rock of offence in the adminisr 
tration of justice in India. The High Courts, only from written 
records, presume to weigh evidence better than men who have 
spent their lives in the country and have personally heard and 
observed the demeanour of the witnesses. The result of this 
attitude is becoming daily more and more serious, and the 
police, who in rural districts are the sole representatives of 
law and order, are being discredited by the action of judicial 
bodies, which, to the infinite regret of all who have practical 
experience of Indian administration, the executive Government 
has for the first time imitated in the current year (1911). 

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INDIA 119 

S3rmpathiser8 with sedition, and those who make haste to 
discredit the force, endeavour to establish a standard of com-^ 
parison between British and British-Indian police. The proper 
standard, of course, is the police of another Oriental country, 
or at any rate of an Asiatic possession of some European Power. 
By means of garbled quotation, suggestion, and allegation the 
anti-British party endeavour to establish for the British Indian, 
a character whidi in ante-British days did attach to the Indian, 
police. By such artifices they succeed in obscuring a great 
triumph of British-Indian administration, the conversion of 
a rough-and-ready, unscrupulous police into a very fair and 
improving imitation of the force we have learnt to admire in 
these islands. They also endeavour to build up for themselves 
a character for criticism, while they are in fact the catspaws of 
malign misrepresenters of British rule in India. The some 
party endeavours to convey the impression in England that 
the District Magistrate, who is also the head of the police, first 
of all initiates a prosecution, and then convicts the person 
prosecuted. The fact is that though the District Magistrate is 
the head of the police, in the same sense that he is the head of 
all departments in his district, he is no more the actual chief 
of the police, and no more participates in the detailed conduct 
of their cases, than the Home Secretary does in like 
circumstances participate in police work in London. In 
dealing with prosecutions, in detecting crime, and in matters 
of discipline and administration the police have their own 
departmental chief under whose orders exclusively they 
work. The object is to make an opportunity for attacking the 
district magistrate, who is the representative of Government 
in the different administrative areas. From time imme- 
morial judicial and executive functions have in India been 
united in an official, corresponding in essentials with our 
Deputy Commissioner, or Collector and District Magistrate; 
and it is to impair this functionary's position as the outwa^rd 
and visible sign of British supremacy, and not to improve the 
administration, that doctrinaire critics, sentimental reformers, 
and, 90ns of sedi^on wish to wholly and formally separate 
judicial from executive functions. The District Magistrate 

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performs hardly any magisterial work, but it is absolutely 
necessary that this power should be left to him, since its 
removal would be regarded all over India as a victory for the 
enemies of British rule over the Indian civilian, whose position 
would be seriously impaired by the change. These charges, 
brought by the self-constituted advocates of India and by 
anti-British busybodies in this country, find no support in the 
Indian Legislative Councils, in which attacks are never made on 
the police similar to those advanced in the British Parliament. 
No charges of actual misconduct are in either country brought 
against the British officers in the police, and the suggestion 
that the Qovemment of India condones torture, because it has 
not published any order forbidding that which is already a 
penal offence, is sufficient to show the spirit in which these 
ignorant and malevolent attacks are conceived and delivered. 
It is, no doubt, due in a large measure to such attacks, and 
to the support they received from the recent action of the 
Government in Bengal, that the Collector at Tinnevelly, Mr. 
Ashe, was murdered by a Brahmin attorney on June 17, 
1911, and that a sub-inspector of police was assassinated at 
Maimansingh in the same month. 

Indian Congbess. 

Unfortunately the Indian Congress, long distinguished for 
its comparative moderation, has in recent years adopted a 
hostile attitude towards British-Indian administration, which 
has given no little encouragement to the half-educated and 
misguided enthusiasts from whose ranks assassins are 

It may be well, therefore, to quote what M. Chailley says of 
the Congress : — 

'*It is a party of theorists, armchair politicians, which 
to observers from home at first sight appears worthy of 
sympathy, but from which on closer observation such observer 
is bound to withdraw a portion of his admiration, if not esteem. 
It is composed of writers and orators, proud of their knowledge 
and their caste " (the quintessence, by the way, of aristocratio 
exdusiveness and family pride such as democrats denounce). 

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INDIA 121 

*' They are aloof from the mass of the people, of which they 
haye little more knowledge than they derive from the docu- 
ments brought together and published by that Anglo-Indian 
Government they tax with selfishness, oppression, and ignor- 
anoe. The estates of the zemindars of Bengal, who are a 
bulwark of the Nationalist party, show that these have not 
ameliorated the condition or even relieved the sufferings of 
their own tenantry. As a matter of fact this so-called National 
party is really a party of privilege, a concourse of representa- 
tives of the high castes and rich classes, which is really a 
stranger to the nation on whose behalf it professes to speak." * 

Seductions in the Abmy. 

To leave the civil for the military arm, although it is 
openly said in the Indian Press that it is the joint fear 
of Germany, and not the Anglo-Eussian Convention, which 
has removed the Bussian menace, it can hardly be denied 
that, as the Anglo-Bussian Convention has proved success- 
ful, the political and military outlook in India has undergone 
a change, such as might be expected to lead to a demand 
for reductions in military expenditure from those who urge that 
money spent upon large armaments in time of peace is 
money wasted. The fact that only a small proportion of such 
men and armaments are ever used for other than precautionary 
purposes increases the obligation of Government, as they say, 
not to keep them above the necessary standards. One of their 
concrete suggestions is that several British regiments should 
be withdrawn, and recalled when wanted. But it is by no 
means certain that they would in the latter event be available, 
and a margin above actual needs is indispensable to an army 
which is called upon to help in any emergency in any part of 
a far-flung Empire. It may, however, be fairly contended that 
for merely policing India fewer troops are required, since the 
armies of the native states, which made for disturbance and 
disorder, have practically disappeared with the establishment 
in 1886 of the Imperial Service Movement. But if the strength 
of regiments is reduced and their establishments maintained, 
• << Admmistrative Problems of British India," pp. 163, 164. 

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undue expense in respect of officers and in other directions 
is inevitably incurred, and, unless regiments are altogether 
abolished, little real saying will be effected. 

The army in India now numbers upwards of 75,000 
European and 159,000 native troops,* to which should be 
added 35,000 Volunteers, and 46,000 Reserve and Imperial 
Service troops, or in all 315,000 men, to protect 1,773,000 
square miles, with a land frontier 6,000 miles long. Suggestions 
have been made from time to time that the relief from tension 
on the North- West Frontier, which has followed upDu the Anglo- 
Eussian Convention, would justify reductions in these numbers, 
but, as Lord Minto lately said, there is another land frontier 
problem on the North-East which may develop into something 
formidable. Again, the calls upon the army in India are not 
solely made on account of frontier requirements, for Indian 
troops have been sent to Persia, China, Egypt, and East, and 
South, Africa, and it is also its duty to maintain internal 
security. The field army is now composed of nine divisions 
and eight cavalry brigades, besides troops which in the absence 
of the field army from India would become responsible for the 
maintenance of internal peace. War material is now made 
in the country, and the efficiency of the army, and of its 
musketry and general training, has reached a high standard. 
The Indian forces are, however, quite small compared with the 
armies of our potential rivals on the Continent, and unfortunately 
they lack proper means of expansion in wbx time. On the other 
hand, as a long-service army, that of British India is composed 
of professional soldiers of high merit. 

During the Session of the Imperial Legislative Council in 
1910 an unofficial resolution was put forward recommending the 
Government to order a public inquiry into the increase of civil 
and military expenditure, in order that economies might be effec- 
ted, and the Finance Member of Council, in reply, stated that 
the subject was under consideration. The necessity for effecting 
savings arises chiefiy from the impending extinction of the 
opium revenue, and sJso from the necessity for greater expen- 
diture on education, a system of free compulsory primary 
* The Times, May 29, 1911. 

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INDIA 123 

insfcraotion for boys being urged on Government by native 
members of Council. Indeed, the demand for reduction in 
army expenditure which proceeds from these gentlemen is the 
counterpart of the pressure brought to bear on the home 
Government to provide funds for . social reform at the cost 
of national defence. The same inability to realise that you 
must keep, before you can improve, your house characterises 
advanced Socialists and Eadicals both in England and in India. 
Meantime, the raising of more revenue in the latter country 
is exceedingly difficult unless a tariff upon imports is imposed, 
of which Lord Minto since his retirement has practically ex- 
pressed his approval,''' and of which general Indian opinion 
undoubtedly approves. 

The minimum strength of the standing army in India was 
fixed by a Boyal Commission after the Mutiny at a figure 
sufficient for the protection of the British administration, 
before the acquisition of Burma, when the amount of wealth to 
be insured and the numbers of the population, and the area to 
be protected were far smaller than at the present time. Yet the 
strength of 80|0(X) European soldiers has never been reached, 
though it was considered only just enough long before the 
Bussian menace — ^indeed, at a time when Bussia had been 
severely handled in the Crimea, and before her expansion in 
the Caucasian, Caspian, and Central Asian regions. Neither 
was the internal condition of India then so threatening as it 
now is, nor was Persia a centre of disturbance, nor China in a 
ferment of reform and regeneration. 

Lord Kitchener, when he recently retired, recommended 
no reductiion in the Indian army, and the discovery that it 
would be the better for the disbandment of certain unsatisfactory 
regiments suspiciously synchronises with the need for replacing 
the jsacrificed opium revenue. The reduction just now sug- 
gested would only be enforced in the native ranks, but the 
argument that decrease in numerical strength will be 
counterbalanced by a higher efficiency in the units preserved, 
recalls the assertions made in England that the reduction of 
the British army by 18,000 troops, when the Liberals came 
* Speech at Central Asian Society's Dinner, May 17, 1911. 

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into office in 1906, increased its efficiency for war ! Of coarse, 
if there are regiments of no fighting value their disbandment 
would not weaken the army, but if indeed such exist, their 
retention until the present day convicts the authorities of 
culpable negligence in the past, and their sudden awakening at 
the present juncture cannot but be regarded as a miracle of 
opportune coincidence. 

Colonel Seely said " that His Majesty's Government did not 
contemplate any reduction of the British forces serving in 
India, but were fully prepared to consider favourably any 
proposals the Government of India might find it in their power 
to make for affecting such readjustment in the native Indian 
units with a view to economy as could be carried out without 
loss of efficiency of the army in India as a whole." * 

But the late General Sir Edwin CoUen, a distinguished ex- 
military member of the Viceroy's Council t expressed his 
deliberate opinion '' that no great saving could be made without 
impairing the strength and reducing the efficiency of the 
Indian army,'* and he deprecated the abolition of regiments, 
which would throw commissioned and non-commissioned 
officers on our hands for whom pecuniary provision would have 
to be made ; and condemned the reduction as likely to unsettle 
and disturb the minds of the native troops. At the same time, 
he took the opportunity to repeat his strongly held opinion 
that the separate army commands should not have been broken 
up into divisions, whereby the aim is served of those who wish 
to make India one nation for the purpose of disputing the 
mastery with ourselves. 

Sir Charles Crosthwaite, another eminent Indian adminis- 
trator, pointed out that it is dangerous to leave wide areas in 
India without garrisons, and that the same dependence cannot 
be placed upon armed police as upon regular soldiers, while a 
reduction in the native army cannot be made without 
abolishing most of the smaller cantonments which yet remain. 
He also expressed a well-founded fear lest the reduction of the 
native army should lead to subsequent proposals to cut down 

* Parliamentary Debates, May 81, 1911, vol. 26, p. 1078. 
t Letter to The Times, May 31, 1911. 

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INDIA 125 

the British strength, the present proportion of the native army 
and British troops being roughly as two to one, a proportion 
settled upon adequate political and military grounds.'*' It may 
be stated without hesitation that an adequate army in India is 
far more necessary to the peace and prosperity of the country 
than the various reforms and concessions of which so much 
more is made at the present moment. The same argument 
applies to the army in the United Kingdom, and as Lord 
Haldane has often contended in the House of Commons that 
reduction cannot be effected at home while the forces abroad 
are maintained at existing strength, an uneasy feeling is 
engendered that when a reduction is made in the native, a 
corresponding diminution will be effected in the British, 
army in India, following upon which our already inadequate 
army at home will be susceptible of, and will surely be sub- 
jected to, further unwise reduction. 

It should not escape notice that the Under-Secretary 
of State, Mr. Montagu, during the Budget debate of 1911, 
in reviewing the departments in view to effecting economies 
for the replacing of the lost opium revenue, scouted the idea 
that the military department should be exempt. His words 
follow : — 

** It is said that we propose to out down the military forces in India. 
Well, what if we did? Is it suggested that when we are reviewing the 
expenditure in other departments we should except the military depart- 
ment ? If there were no army in India no one would suggest that the 
army should he made anything but large enough, and only large enough, 
for the needs of the situation, but simply because the army was devised 
and organised at other times it is seriously suggested that no modification 
should be made, and that even though you are searching for economy in 
every department you should not be idlowed to question your military 
expenditure. I can assure hon. members that the Government does not 
share this illogical review, but that nothing is, or will be, contemplated 
that will impair the efficiency of our army for defending and guarding the 
peace of our Empire."t 

But a recent traveller, who wrote an admirable book on India, | 

* The Times, June 6, 1911. 

t Parliamentary Debates, July 26, 1911. 

X **The West in the East,*' by Price Ck>llier, p. 163. 

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remarks that it will be a miracle if there is no tronUe with 
Germany or in India within ten years. 

The Dbain. 

Closely connected with this, and indeed with every financial, 
question, is that of the so-caUed drain from India to England. 

Opponents of British role in India assert that the latter 
country is being drained of wealth owing to her connection 
with Great Britain, and that this is one of the causes of the 
unrest which exists. It is admitted by our antagonists, as well 
as by ourselves, that the need of India is industrial develop- 
ment and diversity of occupation, and that capital, which is 
not available locally, must be borrowed. Nor will any sane 
controversialist deny that interest must be paid on borrowed 
money. The suggestion is that in the case of India, alone of 
borrowing countries, capital obtained at a very moderate rate 
of interest is a drain upon its resources. 

This subject has been admirably handled by Sir Theodore 
Morison, and as he points out, that portion of the debits of 
any country which is not balanced by material assets is dis- 
charged by an excess of exports, either ot goods or money, so 
that in order to ascertain the extent of the drain from India, 
we have to find out what in any given year is the amount of 
exports in goods or money for which in that year she receives 
no material equivalent.'*' The excess of exports of goods and 
money for which India received no material equivalent between 
1899-1900 and 1908-9 was about one hundred and fifty 
millions sterling, or an average of fifteen millions a year. 
This figure is taken from the trade return of goods entering and 
goods leaving India by sea; and if goods received bylwdwere 
included, the amount of the drain would be slightly reduced. 
It is said by critics of our rule that the home charges alone 
amount to an average of over 17^ millions a year, but this figure 
includes stores, which are imports, and have been taken into 
account in arriving at the figure of fifteen millions. When 
these are deducted for the decade under examination the home 
charges fall to £15,750,000 per annum, or to an amount 
* ** The Eoonomic Transition of India," by 8ir Theodore Morison, 1911. 

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INDIA 127 

slightly larger than the estimated drain, the difference being 
explained by oredits India obtained from loans invested in the 
equipment of modern industry, such as machinery."*^ India 
receives, of course, full value for those loans. 

Accepting, then, as is inevitable, the recorded figures of the 
dnun at fifteen millions per annum, it is necessary to compare 
these with similar conditions in other countries. Facts and 
figures have no significance as isolated units, but only when 
compared with those of other countries, of which, such as 
import more than they export, are those wherein industrial 
development has made such progress that they have surplus 
capital to lend. Of these England is the most conspicuous 
example. There are also many countries which export more 
than they import, and they are, for the most part, those in 
which industrial development is less advanced. Of this class 
are the United States, Bussia, Argentina, New Zealand and 
Australia.! It is evident that political conditions have nothing 
to do with the drain, because excess of exports equally 
characterises independent States like Bussia and the United 
States, self-governing colonies like Australia, and dependencies 
like India. These are all alike, however, in being countries of 
which the resources are still to a greater or less extent 
undeveloped. It is also evident that the debtor countries 
which export more than they import are amongst the most 
prosperous in the world, | that they are every year adding to 
their wealth, and that the payments they make to their foreign 
creditors cannot with any regard to fact be described as 
a drain. 

India, then, possessing land and labour, but lacking money, 
borrows the capital it needs at a low rate of interest. Such 
capital, obtained at 3^ per cent., returns 4, 5, 6 and 7 per cent, 
in railways and irrigation works, while the fund from which 
wages and rent are paid is enormously increased, to the incal- 
culable benefit of the country. 

* <• The Economic Transition of India," p. 197. 

t Statistical Abstract for Principal and other Foreign Countries and 
Statistical Abstract for British Colonies, published by the Board of Trade* 
I <' Boonomio Tranntion of India,'* p. 210. 

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In the case of the railways, over half a million of the 
inhabitants make a living on the lines, and the State, after 
paying interest to its foreign creditors, has drawn a clear profit 
of eight millions in the ten years under notice, to the great 
advantage of the community."^ 

Again, the value of the crops raised in 1908-9 in the area 
irrigated by works constructed out of loans was 121 per cent, 
of the capital outlay t (£34,500,000). The prodigious strides a 
developing country can make with the aid of foreign loans is 
illustrated by the case of Japan. I 

If the nature of the Indian home charges be examined it 
will be found that they are (over and above interest on capital 
borrowed, and payment for stores) incurred on account of such 
items as pensions, gratuities, leave allowances, India Office, 
army and marine. Of the seven millions which might in any 
way be said to be due to the political connection with England, 
the whole amount is expended on account of services rendered, 
and would be paid for such services even if England were not 
the over-lord of India, except that the amount would be 
enormously increased for the provision of a fleet to preserve 
peace, order, and independence. The Japanese Navy is now 
costing seven and a half millions a year to maintain, while India 
annually contributes no more than £100,000 towards the up- 
keep of the British fleet Moreover, India as a constituent 
part of the British Empire, borrows at 3^, while Japan pays 
4| and 5 per cent, on her foreign loans. This difference alone 
more than counter-balances the pensions, gratuities, and other 
items upon which expenditure out of the country is necessi- 
tated, owing to circumstances inherent in British rule. 

Tabiff Bbfobh. — Cotton. 

It is not possible to leave this subject without referring to 
the probability that in the near future the reconstructed 
Legislative Councils, reinforced by more of the Indian Congress 
element, will press for protection, and will make a more 

* ** Boonomio Transition of India,** p. 222. 
t « Review of Irrigation in India," 1906-9. 
X ** Eoonomic Transition of India,** pp. 907, 226. 

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INDIA 129 

effective protest than has yet been raised against the counter- 
vailing excise on certain classes of cotton goods, an import 
duty of 3^ per cent, being levied on all cotton, except yam and 
twist, and an equivalent excise being imposed on certain com- 
peting products of Indian power looms, in order to prevent 
the import duty acting as a bounty in favour of Indian manu- 
factures as against those of Lancashire. This duty cannot be 
defended except on the ground, on which the writer voted for it 
in the Governor-General's Legislative Council, that it is a 
necessary consequence of India's connection with Free Trade 
England. No one can argue that it is justifiable, or required, 
in the separate and exclusive interests of India, which is 
financially independent of Great Britain. India is, of course, 
subject, as regards all matters by which other parts of the 
British Empire or foreign countries are affected, to the 
necessity of adopting the principles Imperial Parliament pre- 
scribes as applicable to all dependencies of the Grown. But 
this is a principle which will not for a moment be accepted by 
those who oppose the connection with England, and have been 
encouraged by concession after concession to hope for com- 
plete emancipation. 

Lord Minto, since his return from India, has testified to the 
" extraordinary advance of political thought throughout Asia," 
and he said ''that if we want to create great industries in 
India, he did not see how it could be done without something 
like Tariff Beform. It was certain that in the future, and very 
soon, we should be hearing strong expressions of opinion in 
India that something must be done in that way to safeguard 
Indian interests, and it was because he had the welfare of the 
country very much at heart that he felt so strongly upon this 
economic question."* 

Lord Minto at the same time pointed out that Canada could 
never have become the great country it now is without a high 
tariff wall against the products of the United States. It has 
often been remarked that as India already possesses a small 
general tariff, the adoption of Imperial Preference would be a 
much simpler and easier matter therein than anywhere else in 
* Speech at Central Asian Sooiety's Dinner, May 17, 1911. 

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the Empire, for snoh adoption would not neoessorily involve tiie 
imposition of fresh taxation, but only the remission of existing 
taxation on imports from the United Kingdom and the 
Colonies.''' Of course, what the anti-British want is protection 
for India against all competition, including that of England. It is 
difficult to say why tea should not have a measure of protection, 
and it would be quite easy to discriminate between the Indian, 
Chinese, and Japanese leaf in dealing with this important article 
of commerce produced by British planters, using British capital, 
with British-Indian labour in British territory, which at present 
yields a large return to the Imperial, and no tax revenue to tiie 
Indian, exchequer. The arguments of Mr. Lloyd G^rge in the 
debate on the Budget in 1911, to the effect that to treat our 
own people better than strangers is to discriminate against 
foreign nations, is one which, as Mr. Austen Chamberlain re- 
torted, is repudiated by every other Gbvemment in the world. 
It is only comparable with the pusillanimous arguments put 
forward to the effect that by looking after ourselves and our 
Colonies and Dependencies, we may offend the Governments of 
other nations. It is evident that in the internal pddtics of 
India economic development will play a large part, and this 
makes it the more unfortunate that just now the Government 
of India should have notified that it proposes to repeal, from 
July 1, 1918, the Act which regulates labour recruitment within 
the Indian Empire under a system of indentures, on the ground 
that the tea industry must fall into line with other employers 
of labour and forego the special law upon which it has hitherto 
relied. As the chairman of the Indian Tea Association said at 
the annual general meeting <rf 1911, " The majority of planters, 
especially in Assam proper, were probably strongly of opinion 
that a local Act was required to protect them against outside 
influence. With the iMrge demand outside for their imported 
labour, and with large ta?acts of wasteland available for cultiva- 
tion, the tea planter was surrounded by influences draining his 
labour force to which other employers were not liable to any- 
thing like the same extent." A local Act for Assam is at any 
rate regarded as a necessity, and it would appear to be indef^i- 
* « Inaia 4iid Imperial PfeieraMe," by Six Bq^ Ltthbyidg*, p. 2. 

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Bible that certain wttder iraots shonkl be closed agaioe^ reorntting 
for Aesam, and open, as woold appear to be the case, to the 
Colonial reemiter. 

Nor will the feeling of uneasiness which exists be ^ther than 
augmented by Mr. Montagu's reply during the Indian Budget 
debate of 1911 to Lord Bonaldshay, who asked why it was that 
the doctrine of Free Trade, when applied to India, required 
vindicating in the case of the cotton industry only — ^why it 
was, for example, that fiscal orthodoxy demanded the imposition 
of an excise duty upon the products of the Indian cotton mills 
to oountorvail the duty upon imported cottons, but did not 
demand the imposition of an excise duty upon the 73,000,000 
gallons of home-produced oil annually consumed in India, to 
countervail the duty of 1^. a gallon on the 84,000,000 gallons 
annually imported from elsewhere? To which the Under- 
Secreti^ of State replied as follows : " I will only say on- be- 
half of the Gk>v«mment we have no intention of departing from 
the Free Trade system in India. I will go further and say that 
as and when opportunity offers we shall take steps to ma^ethe 
fiscal system of India more nearly in accord with what we 
believe to be the only sound economic doctrine." 

Is India really to expect more countervailing duties, and is it 
wise to pile additional burdens of this sort on the elephant ? 


Among tiie administrative problems of modem India is ftat 
of free compulsory primary education, and Mr. Gokhale, the 
well-known additional member of the Govemor-Geneifal's 
Council, has introduced a Bill to bring about this highly 
debatable reform. No one denies the advantages of primary 
education,'*' but it is a very nice question whether an 
alien Gk>vemment should force upon peoples, who do not desire 
it, universal and compulsory instruction of a character alieit in 
letter and spirit from their own religious traditions, manners, 
and customs. Would it not be dangerous, under the circum- 
stances, to tax the inhabitants of India for this purpose ? It is 

* Primioy eduoati<m has just been made free in the North-West 
Frontier Provinoa with effect from April 1, 1912. 

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quite beside the mark to point to the State of Baroda, an 
extremely rich and self-contained principality of small geogra- 
phical dimensions, 8,226 out of 1,766,642 square miles, and a 
population of 2,000,000 out of 316,000,000 for India. Baroda 
is governed by an Indian Chief, who has no international 
questions to consider, the word international being limited to 
Indian nations and states only, nor is H.H. the Oaekwar a 
representative Indian Prince, nor is his principality a normal 
native state. It is not poverty which prevents recourse to 
the existing schools, and no one acquainted with the facts will 
imagine that if all fees were abolished they would immediately 
be filled. The Minister of Baroda wrote of the figures for the 
year 1909-10, ** State compulsion is by no means an assured 
success, but a praiseworthy attempt, with an excellent chance 
of final success." Mr. Ookhale's Bill provides that Municipal 
or District Boards may, with the sanction of the local Gk>vem- 
ment,levya special educationrate for the provision of elementary 
education in their areas. This provision is permissive, but it 
will be difficult for one, to lag behind another, local body, and 
the result of the passing of the Bill would probably be to lead 
to the widespread introduction of a compulsory rate and of 
compulsory schools. It is suggested that a local tax of this 
character would be preferable to an Imperial impost, because 
the former would be specially earmarked for its own purpose ; 
but Mr. Gokhale provides also for a large contribution from the 
Imperial exchequer, and this is the principle upon which H.H. 
the Gkbekwar has proceeded in Baroda. "i" The Bill has been 
opposed by the more advanced organs of the Hindu Press, and 
strong objections all over the country have been raised against 
the imposition of any cess or tax, especially now that so large 
a diminution in the opium revenue is being forced on India in 
order to satisfy the vicarious philanthropy of a highly vocal 
section of politicians and altruists in England. While Lord 
Crewet receives most sympathetically at the India Office a 
deputation in favour of the Bill, the very sane administration 

• July 27, 1911. 

t One of the Ooronation conoeBsions of December 12, 1911. was the 
proTision of iBd3d,800 for the promotion of primary education. 

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INDIA 133 

of the Central Provinoes issues a resolution showing how 
unfair to the general taxpayer it is that Government should 
pay practicaUy the whole cost of higher education. 


The mention of opium suggests that a few words may con- 
veniently follow here upon that subject. The opium revenue, 
which, roughly speaking, amounted annually to five million 
pounds sterling, is now doomed to early extinction. Under 
the existing system the cultivation of the poppy is only per- 
mitted in parts of the Province of Bengal, part of the United 
Provinces of Agra and Oudh, and a small area in the Punjab 
for local consumption. In the monopoly districts the cultivator 
receives advances from the Government for the preparation of 
the land for the crop, the whole of which he is bound to sell at 
a fixed price to the Government agent in order that it may be 
prepared for the market in Government factories, after which 
the manufactured product is sold every month by auction in Cal- 
cutta, for dispatch to China, only a sufficient reserve being kept 
in hand to supply the deficiencies of bad seasons. The poppy 
is also grown in the Native States of Bajputana and Central 
India, which have agreed to conform to the Government system. 
They levy varying rates of duty on opium exported from their 
territories for the China market, which pays the Indian Treasury 
a duty fixed at present at 625 rupees a chest when the pass 
is granted at Ajmere, and 600 when it is granted elsewhere.'*' 

The tentative agreement made in 1907 between India and 
China was on May 8, 1911, followed by a new agreement be- 
tween the British and Chinese Governments, which follows : — 

The British Government, recognising the sincerity of the Ghinesa 
Government and its pronounced success in diminishing the produotibh of 
opium in China during the last three years, agrees to continue the 
arrangement made in 1907 for the unexpired period of seven years under 
the following conditions: — 

Article I. — China shall diminish annually during the next seven years 
the production of native opium in the same proportion by which the 
annual export from India is diminished. 

* Statesman's Year Book, 1911, p. 184. 


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Ariiole n.— Ohina having adopted a rigorous p(Mcj for pcohibiling tiM 
prodaction, transport, and smoking of native opiom, the British Gorem- 
ment agrees that the export of opium from India shall cease in less than 
seven years if proof is given that the production of native opium has 
completely ceased. 

Article IIL— The British Government agrees that Indian opium shall 
not he conveyed to any province of China which has effectively mxff^tetueA 
the cultivation and import of native opium. It is understood, however, 
that the closing of the ports of Oanton and Shanghai to the imp<Mrt of 
Indian opium shall only take effect as a final step for the completion of 
the above measure. 

Article IV. — ^During the period of the agreement the British Govwn- 
ment is permitted to obtain continuous evidence of the diminution of 
cql^vation by local inquiries conducted by British officials. 

Artiele y.---Ghina may dispatch an official to India to watch the opium 
sales and the packing of opium, but without any power of interference. 

Article VI.— The British Government consents to the increase of the 
present duty to 850 tads per chest, the increase taking effect simultane- 
ously with the imposition of an equivalent excise tax on native opium. 

Article Vn. — So long as the additional article ol the Ghifu agreement 
is in force, China will withdraw all restrictions now placed on the whole- 
sale trade in Indian opium in the provinces. The foregoing articles shall 
not derogate from the force of laws published, or hereafter to be published, 
by China to suppress the smoking of opium and to regulate the retail 

Article Vm.— During 1911 the Indian Government will issue export 
permits for 30,600 chests, progressively reducing the number until the 
extinction of the export trade in 1917. Each chest so certificated may be 
iniported into any Treaty Port in China. 

Article IX.— This agreement may be revised at any time by mutual 

Article X. — ^The agreement comes into force on the date on which it is 

The Under Secretary of State for Indiat said in the House 
of Commons that daring the next seven years the revenue of 
three millions received by India from the export of opium to 
China might disappear, but that it would be premature to 
consider the question of a contribution from the Imperial 
Exchequer. Mr. Montagu might have said this revenue will 
certainly cease, but subsequently, on July 26, 1911, he said in 

* Treaty Series, 1911, No. 13, Cd. 5660. 
t Parliamentary Debates, May 10, 1911. 

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INDIA 139 

Hie House of Oommons that the question whether tiie loss (rf 
the opium revenue will involve fresh taxation cannot be 
definitely answered. He made it clear that the Government 
looked to eccmomies to balance the loss, and committed himself 
to the indefensible statement that the Indian people, the tax- 
payers, were willingly and cheerfully sacrifidng in this humane 
interest a valuable source of revenue. The agreement of 
1907 provided for the gradual reduction of the Indian export 
at the rate of a tenth annually, which would have extinguished 
the trade in seven years from 1910, but the British Government 
has now, in 1911, agreed that the Indian exports shall cease in 
less time, if the Chinese Government proves that China has 
ceased to produce opium. We have also undertaken to reduce 
the Indian export by an additional amount equal to one-third 
of the uncertificated Indian opium in bond in China on a 
given date, and as there are great acoumidations of the bonded 
drug, Indian exports will be quickly reduced to small pro- 
portions. In the interval between the signing of the first and 
second agreements, the price of opium ruled so high that the 
diminution in expcnrt in no way prejudiced the Indian Ex- 
chequer, which now, however, is face to face with the almost 
immediate extinction of a very profitable source of revenue. 
It is by no means improbable tliat the Indian peasant will 
shortly have to submit to an inereased salt tax in consequence 
of this policy, and not one person acquainted with him will 
endorse Mr. Montagu's statement that he will cheerfully and 
willingly pay. The Native States, which have been exporting 
opium to China for centuries, were no parties to either of these 
agreements, against which some have protested, and to which 
all object. There can be no doubt that several States will be 
seriously a£Fected, and large claims for compensation will 
undoubtedly have to be met. 

The opponents of the opium system in India invariably argue 
as if " this drowsy sjrrup of the East " was in itself a thrice 
damnable thing, the whole and sole effects of which are 
evil. The fact is, of course, that the medicinal properties of 
opium are of great value to dwellers in the extensive malarious 
tn^ts of India, and an absolute need in many regions of the 

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hillmen, who without it cannot exist. To such an extent is 
this recognised that in British-Indian jails humanity makes 
it obligatory to supply to certain of the inmates a dole of the 
drug. Malarial fever, which is beyond all others, and infi- 
nitely more than plague, pestilence, or famine, the scourge of 
India, is best combated by doses of opium or preparations 
derived therefrom, at any rate in certain localities. Nor 
indeed, even in China, is the abuse of opium greater than that 
of alcohol amongst ourselves. The Indian Press pertinently 
asks, Would the House of Commons be so eager to wipe out this 
trade if the Imperial Exchequer stood to lose three millions a 
year over the transaction.'*' In the same direction comment 
is made upon the support given by Scottish Members to the 
anti-opium crusad^, and to the great influence of Scotland in 
Mr. Asquith's Gk>vemment, which, it is openly stated, could 
not resist the pressure put upon it without alienating some of 
its most earnest supporters. The net result will probably be that 
while India will lose three to four millions a year, Persia will 
gain no small part of this amount, though it is announced! that 
the Chinese Government has decided to prohibit importation 
of Persian and Turkish opium from January, 1912. The anti- 
opium party argue that the Indian Government has already 
made too much from this tainted source, which it knew must 
one day run dry. Others point out that as England, which forced 
India into this traffic, now demands its cessation, it is only fair 
that she should indemnify the innocent loser. It is astonish- 
ing that an English Minister should say, as did the Under- 
Secretary of State, that there are no indications of unwillingness 
on the part of the Indian taxpayer and cultivator to endorse 
the anti-opium policy of the Government, for there cannot be a 
single official at the India Office who does not know that the 
voice of the Indian taxpayer and cultivator rarely indeed 
makes itself heard, and that it is by no means, identical with 
that of bis self-appointed, denationalised English-educated 
representative. Again, upon the moral point it is notorious 

* Wednesday Review, May 81, 1911. 

t The Times, July 19, 1911: telegram from Peking, July 18, 1911; 
jTuly ao, 1911 : telegram from Pekhig, July 19, 1911. 

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INDIA 137 

that the use of opium in the East will be, and is already being, 
replaced by that of morphine and cocaine * from England, and 
from the Continent, which at any rate we cannot prevent. 
India's sacrifice of the opium revenue is vain unless the 
importation of these drugs is prohibited by agreement amongst 
treaty Powers, which have no intention of entering upon a 
quixotic and necessarily abortive campaign for the extinction of 
the use of stimulants in Asia. 

The opium agreement was concluded by the Government 
without the sanction of the House of Commons, which merely 
passed platonic resolutions f of condemnation in an almost 
empty House, upon the motion of a private member. Con- 
siderable doubt exists as to the trustworthiness of the statistics 
produced by China, and Consul-General Sir Alexander Hosie, 
though his report J was generally in favour of the sincerity and 
success of the Chinese efforts to suppress the poppy, admitted 
that in Shansi, one of the chief opium-producing districts, he 
was forced to discredit the assurances given him by the 
officials, and to put down the reduction in the amount of 
opium as certainly under 50 per cent., while in Eansu the 
reduction was less than half this amount, and only half that 
claimed by the officials of the province. § Sir Alexander Hosie 
reported that the yield of opium in Szechuan used to be four 
times the whole annual importation from India, but that since 
the Imperial decree of suppression, for the present at least the 

* The Excise Commissioner of Bengal reported in 1910-11 that in spite 
of prosecutions and high prices, the use of this drug is on the increase. 
Other Commissioners report that as heavier duties are imposed on 
opium, the use of more dangerous intoxicants grows apace. 

Mr. Knox, Secretary of State, in his report to President Taft of 
January 7, 1911, states that **the illicit use of morphia and cocaine is 
widespread in the United States, and is rapidly spreading through Indo- 
China and other parts of the Far East, where it threatens to become 
more baneful than the opium-smoking habit.'* The average American 
import of opium in the last ten years has been over 400,000 lb., more than 
half of which has been used in the manufacture of morphia for improper 

t Parliamentary Debates, 1906, vol. 168, p. 616 ; 1908, vol. 183, p. 880, 
{ Od. 6668, p. 9. § Ibid., p. 18. 

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piovinoe produoes no opitun, but is disposing of surplus stocks.'*' 
Of Tunnftn» which produced the best opium in China, he 
wrote that the cultivation had been stopped in the plains for 
the last three years, but still continued in the hill tracts and 
semi-indep^ident zone. On the ^iiole there had been a 
reduction of 75 per oeniA in the manufacture of opium in the 
province, wherein the price of the drug had risen to ttx 
times that ruling before 1907. 

It is, of course, a common error to suppose that all opium 
grown in India is exported to China. When the agreement 
of 1907 was negotiated statistics showed that out of 67,000 
chests only 51,000 went to the Middle Emgdom, and 16,000 
to other countries, to which export will presumably continue as 
long as purchasers are found, while some 10,000 chests have 
hitherto been required for use in India, with which, in view of 
its valuable medicinal properties, it may be hoped that no 
interference will be exercised. It is suggested by certain 
authorities, including the late Sir Charles Elliott, t that opium- 
producing Native States should continue to supply such opium 
as will be needed after the extinction of the Chinese export. 
Otiiers point out that the average income for the three years 
preceding 1907 was only three and three-quarter millions, but 
this is small comfort when the revenue had risen in subsequent 
years to five millions. It is also urged that there will still be an 
income of perhaps one million from the suj^ly of oj^um to 
other countries, and that a saving of nearly two millions will 
be effected in the opium department. These calculations are 
contested, and indeed are based upon false and illusory 
premisses, and it may be regarded as absolutely certain that 
a loss of several, probably of four, millions a year will be 
inflicted on Indiui revenues by the action of the anti-opium 
party at home, while it is by no means certain that less opium 
will in the long run be consumed in China, or that the suj^ly 
of the necessary quantity will in any way be reduced by the 
sacrifice made in India. Indeed, China will be at liberty to, and 
during the Revolution actively does, cultivate the poppy again. 

The Chinese Government under the new agreement has the 
• Cd. 6668, p. ao. t Ibid., pp. 28, 98. ; Th4 Tim$8, May 17, 1911. 

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INDIA 139 

power to elofd pxovmoe «fler proyinoe againdl the importation of 
forei^ opium on producing evidence, all too readily accepted, 
that production in and import into such province of Chinese 
opium has ceased. It has by irregular interference with the 
entry of Indian opium into the interior of the country caused 
great congestion of stocks at the Treaty Ports, and has taken 
advantage of its own wrong by making the complacent 
Government of India proportionately cut down its imports for 
future years. In fact, China wins on every point at the expense 
of the Indian taxpayer, and for the satisfaction of the anti- 
opium party in England, who apparently care not at all, if the 
Behar and Oudh cultivators starve, if all the cultivators in British 
India are taxed, or if in Central India and Bajputana ruling 
chiefs are so embarrassed as to be driven to collect fresh 
taxes from their subjects. The rights of these chiefs to com- 
pensation were admitted by the Opium Commisdon. With 
the extinction of the China trade Malwa opium will have no 
marked left, thou^ the Government monopoly opium will still 
find a field in the Straits Settlement and in India itself. 

The sacrifice of revenue becomes more s^ous, as the taxable 
resources of the country do not increase as rapidly as its 


To the Coronation concessions announced as lately as 
December 12, 1911, brief reference is made in a footnote on 
page 116. They have, as far as can be judged so soon after 
the event, been received by the Congress and anti-English 
party in Bengal with satisfaction, tempered by regret at the 
loss of Calcutta as capital of India, by the European com- 
munity of Calcutta, a numerous, independent, and able com- 
munity, and by the Mahomedans of Eastern Bengal with 
natural displeasure, and by Hindus and Mahomedans in 
gttieral with that indifference which might have been expected. 
Orientals have little or no sentiment. They are practical to 
the core and leave to European races this enervating luxury, 
which has become their self-indulgence and their bane. But 
that such great concessions to a moribund agitation, and such 
far-reaching administrative changes should have been made 

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over the heads of all ooncemed, and without the previously 
ascertained consent of Parliament, the Provincial Governments, 
and public opinion is generally regarded as a violent departure 
from constitutional precedent, only rendered possible by the 
shelter of the royal presence and prerogative. 


The general census of India, taken in March, 1911, includes 
Baluchistan and several remote and very sparsely populated 
districts in Burma, not hitherto included. The result shows 
a total population of 315,132,637, of which 244,267,542 were 
inhabitants of British territory and 70,864,995 of Native States. 
There was an increase of 7*1 per cent, between 1901 and 1911, 
as against 2-5 per cent, in the preceding ten years, and an 
increase of 12*9 per cent, in Native States as against 5*5 per 
cent, in British territory which may be regarded as a 
readjustment of a decrease of 5 per cent, in Native 
territory as against 4*7 per cent, increase in British territory 
at last census. 

This result merely confirms previous experience, to the effect 
that after a severe scarcity resulting from successive bad 
seasons the population increases by leaps and bounds ; and 
while famine prevailed in the last decade in the Native States, 
owing to better administration nothing more than hard times 
were felt in British India. 

Although the plague occasioned great mortality in the decade 
now censused, the mortality from fever greatly exceeded the 
total number of deaths recorded from this cause, and the 
remarks made regarding the use of opium, as distinguished 
from its abuse, are not without application to the health 
statistics of the Indian Empire. 

Arguments For and Against the Attacks made on the 
Character and Efficiency of the Indian Police. 


1. It is urged that this body is hopelessly corrupt, that its members 
habituaUy bring false charges and manufacture evidence. 

2. The subordinate ranks of the police are drawn from the lowest 

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INDIA 141 

and poorest castes and classes, and are not representative of the more 
intelligent inhabitants in India. 

3. They are so badly paid as to render bribery a matter almost of 

4. ** The police impose upon the ignorance of the conmion people in the 
rural districts, and induce persons charged with offences to make con- 
fessions, even when they are innocent."* 

5. They use torture to extract evidence, and ill-treat their prisoners. 

6. The lower ranks practise intolerable oppression over the villagers, 
extorting money and service from them. 


1. The Indian police compare most favourably with the police of other 
Oriental countries, with which, and not with the police of European 
nations, they should be compared. 

2. The police is the most exclusively native of all departments of Indian 
administration, and its methods and its ibults are those of the country, 
racy of the soil, understood of the people. 

8. The police in India work under peculiar difficulties, inasmuch as they 
lack the co-operation of the educated classes, upon which their fellows in 
Europe can count. 

4. They labour under special difficulties also in respect of evidence, 
European judges often requiring a standard of proof that in India is well 
nigh impossible, and renders conviction most difficult. 

5. Lord Gurzon's Commission on the Indian Police found that cases of 
torture were now rare, and it must be remembered that under native rule 
torture was the recognised mode of procedure. The severest punishment 
is awarded when any case is proved against the police. 

6. In spite of assertions of oppression, the villagers recognise that the 
police are effectual in preserving order and securing the safety of the com- 
munity in the most practical manner by protesting against the removal of 
a station whenever suggested or contemplated.! 

7. The police live in glass houses in which none of their delinquencies 
can be concealed, and the questions asked against them in the House 
of Oonmions, garbling their cases and misrepresenting their conduct, are 
for the most part drafted by a hostile syndicate in Calcutta for use by 
the ** friends of India" in England. 

8. Impartial observers testify to the excellence of the work done by the 
Indian police, e.g., M. ChaiUey, above quoted. 

9. Since the presentation of Lord Curzon's Police Conmiission Beport, 
the practical necessity for corruption has ceased to exist in consequence 
of the grant of reasonable wages to the lowest ranks of police. 

* Sir A. Fraser, <* Among Indian Bajahs and Byots," p. 229. 
t iWd., p. 228. 

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10. <* Most of the denunoiation of the work of the police that one now 
hears is based on the traditions of the days of their most defectiTe work, 
on the too ready acoeptanee of tales invented by the criminal classes 
to oast discredit on police witnesses, and on complete ignorance of the 
present conditions of the force, and of the mice nnder which Inqniries 
are now conducted and supervised by officers of high character and sound 

Bbduotion of Indian Abmt. 


1. It is the fear of Germany on the part of Russia and England, and 
not the Anglo-Bussian Oonvention, which has removed the Russian 

2. The army gives regular occupation to multitudes of Indians 
of all races and classes, and to reduce it would cause hardship, as 
has been pointed out in the native Press. 

"The disbandment of native regiments must result in the sudden 
unemployment of those sent out of the army, and the scope for military 
service and distinction must correspondingly diminish."! 

8. The army is very small compared with the peculation and extent 
of country to be protected, and though trouble has been removed on the 
North- West, it has been replaced by the like anxiety on the North-East, 

4. It is necessary to ensure the safety of the house before it can be 
improved, and all projected reforms of all sorts really depend for a 
successful issue upon such safety being assured by sufficiently strong 

5. The strength of the Indian army was not fixed with reference to the 
Russian menace, while the internal condition of India points to the 
necessity for more rather than less troops. 

6. The Indian army is an indispensable auxiliary of our other forces 
in war time. 

7. The Indian troops once mutinied as the result of gross mis- 
management and provocation, but they are similar soldiers to those who 
drank rice-water that Olivers Eutopeans might have rice, and it was 
with their hdp that the Mutiny was suppressed. 


1. The Anglo-Russian Oonvention has removed the Russian menace, 
to meet which the army is chiefly required. 

2. It is waste of money to pay soldiers who are not wanted, the worst 
of all possible waste. 

* <• Among Indtett^Bajahaand Ryots,*' by Sir A. Frtser, p. 287. 
t Indian Patriot, June 2, 1911. 

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INDIA 143 

8. Sinoe the annies of ihe Native States, whioh were merely OH' 
diaeiplioed rabbles, have been disband e d, fewer troops are necessary 
for the peaoeful policing of India, which is now one of the chief functions 
of the Briti^-Indian army. 

4. Funds cannot be provided for sodal reform until military ezpenditare 
is reduced. 

5. It is not the function of the Indian taxpayer or of the Indian army 
to come to the assistan c e of British armies engaged outside the Indian 

6. The reduction of three Indian, can be effected for the sum sayed 
by reducing one British, soldier, and those who oj^^ose reduction insist 
chiefly upon keeping the British troops up to strength. 

Pbbfbbbntiaii Tabiffs WITH India. 

1. India is the commercial and industrial supplement of the United 
Kingdom, and both should be closely bound together by the knot of 
Imperial Preference. 

2. Her existing tariff renders preference easy of arrangement. 

9. She requires protection for her nascent industries. 

4. Imperial Preference is India's best defence against the import of 
foreign products. 

6. The Government of India is in favour of retaliation, which involves 
the sanction of preferential duties. 

6. There is no danger of retaliation from foreign Governments,* which 
already tax their imports of Indian goods, and cannot afford to exdude 
Indian exports of food and raw material. 

7. Out of the total Indian export trade of Bs.1,846,000,000, trade 
of the value c^ no less than Bs.9d0,000,000 will be either benefited or 
wholly unprejudiced by Imperial Preference. 

8. Imperial Preference would be acceptable to Indian patriotism, and 
would promote the moral and material welfare of India. 

9. It would entail, or would promote, the abolition of the unpopular 
and unjustifiable excise on Indian cotton goods f and would encourage 
the tea, coffee, and indigo industries, and the Indian mills. { ** Since the 
enlargement of the Indian Council efforts have been made to abolish this 
duty, and it has been condemned by every Indian member of the Viceroy's 

* Od. 1981 (1904). 

t All goods imported into India pay an ad valarem duty of 5 per cent., 
except cotton goods. There is no import duty on cotton yams, and only 
a 8} per cent, ad valorem duty on cotton cloth, while at the same time 
there is an equivalent excise duty of 8^ per cent, on the products of the 
Indian ootton milk. 

{ Lord Bonaldshay, Parliamentary Debates, July 37, 1911. 

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Ck>unoil. It was said that this duty was necessary in the interests of Free 
Trade, but if so it should apply to all goods, not merely to cotton goods. 
The increase in the petroleum import duty by 50 per cent, has been 
defended on the ground that it might protect the Indian industry, 
and might drive imported petroleum out of the market. The Free 
Trade defence of the cotton excise duty would not hold water. The 
real reason for its existence was the influence which Lancashire was 
able to exert in Parliament, but Lancashire would not object to the 
abolition of the excise duty if the import duty on Lancashire cotton goods 
was also abolished. To make up for the loss of revenue which that 
would cause a higher duty could be placed on foreign goods, which 
were becoming increasingly powerful competitors.*' * 

10. It is evident from the above figures that there is ample opportunity 
for establishing a reciprocal tariff between India and Great Britain. 

11. Moreover, India possesses a monopoly of jute, which foreign 
countries obtain free from duty ; while they exact high duties upon jute 
manufactures from India and Great Britain. 


1. India without preferential tariffs already enjoys in exceptionally 
large measure the advantages of free exchange of imports and exports.! 

2. From a financial aspect the danger to India of reprisals by foreign 
nations is so serious, and their results would be so disastrous that the 
Indian Gk>vemment would not be justified in embarking on such a novel 
policy, unless sure of greater or more certain benefits than are now 

3. If the matter is regarded exclusively from an economic standpoint, 
India has something, but not very much, to offer to the Empire, but she 
has a great deal to lose or risk, and very little to gain in return. 

4. India as a debtor country is dependent on her trade with foreign 
oountries for the discharge of her net international obligations. 

5. Of the total value of Indian exports, 50 per cent, are raw materials 

* In 1899 the foreign imports were £10,000,000, while in 1909 they 
were £24,000,000. Belgium sold seven times as much bar steel in India 
as British manufacturers, Japan sold eight times as much hosiery as 
British manufacturers, and Japan and Sweden between them sold fifty 
times as many matches as British manufacturers. The demand of India 
for such goods as apparel, furniture, clocks and watches, hosiery, glass, 
hardware and cutlery, matches, steel, and woollen goods in a year is 
£11,000,000. Out of that amount the British manufacturer supplied 
little more than £5,000,000. 

t Cd. 1931 (1904). Views of the Goverma^ot of India on preferential 

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INDIA 145 

required by the importing countries for their manufacturing industries, 
and therefore admitted on the easiest possible terms. 

6. Powerful trades in Great Britain would demand that their interests, 
which are never necessarily identical with, and are often opposed to, those 
of India, should be considered. India and Ceylon between them have 
more than nine-tenths of the tea trade of the United Kingdom. 

7. " To develop Indian industries by a protective tarifE would be to, 
expose India to the worst evils of Western capitalisation." * 

8. <*The Indian publicists by no means unanimously favour 

9. *' While we dictate the political we must dictate the fiscal policy of 
India." t 

Arguments fob and Against Fbbe Gomfulsobt 


1. The general movement of the present time, democratic, industrial, 
and humanitarian, points to the necessity for removing the ignorance 
of the masses, and raising the moral and civic status of the working man. 

2. The Government of India Despatch of 1654, the Education 
Commission of 1883, and the Government of India Besolution of 1904 
advocate the extension of elementary education. Mr. Gokhale's Bill 
makes primary education free and compulsory, and therefore fulfils 
these conditions. 

3. In all countries elementary education has rather to be forced on the 

4. Education is free and compulsory in Baroda, and therefore can 
be made compulsory in British India. 

5. Out of every hundred boys in India, education reaches thirty-three ; 
out of every hundred girls only four. The attendance at schools in 
British India is 1*9 per cent., as compared with 20 per cent, in Great 
Britain, 11 per cent, in Japan, and 4*5 per cent, in Bussia. The 
expenditure per head of the population in the United States is 166., 
in England and Wales 10s., in Bussia T^d., and just a penny in India. 


1. India has not risen to those mental and moral standards which 
would make compulsory education acceptable to the masses. 

* Mr. Montagu, Parliamentary Debates, July 27, 1911. 

t The writer voted for the countervailing duties in the Indian Legislative 
Council following this principle, but it does not avail when the Free Trade 
policy itself is under trial. 


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5. The mMsesdo not, even now, generally send their children to school. 
8. Compulsion will cause discontent. 

4. The untouchable classes cannot be educated in the same building 
with the children of caste people, and the provision of two sets of 
buildings is prohibitive in cost. 

6. The fact that the Indian masses are divided into touchables and 
untouchables is sufficient to show that they are not ripe for compulsory 
education. The first step is to make elementary education free, and if 
widespread advantage is taken of the privilege, it will then be right 
to consider if compulsion should follow. 

6. Baroda is under a personal ruler, and compulsion is not therefore 
resented as it would be if proceeding from an alien and impersonal 
Qovemment. An autocrat Ir possible only as long as people are left 
largely to themselves and to their own social and political devices. 

7. The Gaekwar of Baroda says that '* his reforms are disliked by his 
people," and *'he speaks freely of the ignorance of the people he 
governs, and says that even his own relatives disapprove of his travelling 
and of his eating with strangers."* 

8. Baroda and its ruler are other than representative of Indian princes 
and States. 

9. "There is no general demand for education among the people. 
There is a duty on the part of reformers to create a willingness to help to 
pay the taxes or fees by which alone large educational schemes can 
be financed." f 

Aboumentb Fob and Against the Reduction and 
Extinction op the Indian Opium Tbaffic. 


1. It is so immoral to sell opium to the Chinese that this traffic should 
be stopped, regardless of the sufiering entailed on Indian cultivators, and 
without reference to the resulting necessity of subjecting them to 
increased taxation. 

2. The reports of Oonsul-G^neral Hosie prove that China is sincere 
in her efforts to abolish the cultivation and use of opium in the Middle 

8. It is incumbent on the dependency of a Christian State to co-operate 
with a non-Christian State in its endeavours to abolish a pernicious 
habit which enslaves and enervates. 

4. ** The Emperor of India is the largest manufacturer in the world of 

• « The West in the East," by Price CoUier, pp. 265, 266. 
t Mr. Montagu, Parliamentary Debates, July 27, 1911. 

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an ariiole not one grain of whioh dare be sold in his home territories, eren 
for medicine, without being marked ' poison.' ** * 

6. Of the results of indulgence in opium. Sir Oharles Aitohison, Ohief 
Ck>mmi8sioner of British Burma, wrote : ** The habitual use of the drug 
saps the physical and mental energies, destroys the nerres, emaciates the 
body, predisposes to disease, is one of the most fertile sources of 
misery . . . and enfeebles the constitutions of succeeding generations." f 

6. It was an Emperor of Ohina who said : ** It is true I cannot prevent 
the introduction of the flowing poison [opium] ; gain-seeking and corrupt 
men will, for profit and sensuality, defeat my wishes ; but nothing will 
induce me to derive a revenue from the vice and misery of my people." 


1. The Chinese will probably continue to smoke opium, or if deprived of 
this drug will substitute, indeed are already substituting, for it the more 
noxious morphia and cocaine* 

2. Opium-producing Native States, which were no parties to the agree- 
ment between England and Ohina, will suffer, and must be awarded com- 
pensation, to raise which the Indian peasants' salt will probably be taxed. 

8. Opium is useful as a medicine, and no more abused as a stimulant in 
Ohina than alcohol is in Europe. 

4. It is intolerable that a lawful trade should be destroyed and Indian 
peasants taxed because Scottish temperance advocates possess undue 
influence in Parliament. 

5. Either the loss to the Indian cultivator should be made good by the 
English taxpayer, or he should repudiate the anti-opium agitation, and 
cease from troubling the Indian ryot. 

6. The reports of Oonsul-General Hosie disclose a doubt as to the ability 
of China to abolish poppy cultivation in all her provinces, and exaggera- 
tions, at any rate in some quarters, of the progress already accomplished. 

Aboumbntb Fob and Against the Fubthbb Extension of 
Bbpbbbbntativb Oovbbnment and thb Lisa Bbfobmb. 


1. The Congress, advanced reform, English-educated, and Babu party 
urge that an insufficient number of natives is employed in the adminis- 
tration of India, and complain that they are excluded from all the more 
highly paid appointments in the Civil Service. 

2. They declare that the elective principle is not given sufi&cient play in 
the government of the country, and that even the District Boards, which 

* " The Opinm Trade," by D. MoLaceB. f Md. 


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have popularly elected members, are practically dominated by the 
Executiye Qoyemment and its officers. 

3. They protest that judicial and administrative functions should not be 
united in the person of the District Officer, because it is unfair that the 
authority which directs the prosecution should also try the charge. 

4. They are strongly opposed to the partition of Bengal, alleging that it 
inyolyed the dismemberment of an ancient Hindu kingdom, and a separate 
well-defined and self-contained province of the Indian Empire. 

5. They urge that too much money is spent on the army and too little 
on education. 

6. India is annually drained of fifteen millions sterling a year in home 
charges, and cannot effectually protest. 

7. Educated Indians are said to be treated with a lack of consideration 
and respect by British officers. There is a considerable feeling of dis- 
content among the English-educated that social intercourse between the 
two races is practically barred. 

8. The lower social status of some of the present British-Indian officials, 
chosen by competitive examination, makes them less acceptable to the 
high caste native, and they are sometimes ill-suited to the positions they 
are called upon to fill, and cannot adapt themselves to the ceremonial of 
politeness so necessary in Oriental intercourse. 

9. If the Native States bear a heavy land-assessment, at least all money 
so raised is spent and circulates in the country of its origin. 

10. England is merely exploiting India for her own financial and 
commercial benefit. 

11. The forest regulations press very heavily on the peasant, who was 
formerly free to cut wood or pasture cattle when he would, but is now 
excluded from reserved lands and forests and needs a licence to cut wood 
or pasture cattle. The same remark applies to rivers and fishing, which 
used to be free and now are or may be preserved. 

12. A potent factor in the unrest in India is the system of education 
pursued by the English Government, in so far as it creates a class of 
English-educated Indians, for only a small proportion of which openings 
are provided in the Civil Service, for appointments in which the education 
given particularly and pre-eminently fits the recipients. 


1. Natives of India hold a large majority of posts in the Civil Service, 
a small number only being reserved for Europeans.* Out of about 29,000 
appointments ranging from an annual value of £60 to £5,000 a year, 
22,000 are filled by natives of India. ** Farther, while the total number 
of Government appointments has thus increased between 1867 and 1904 by 
110 per cent., the figures show that the number of posts held by Hindus 

♦ " The West in the East," by Price CoUier, p, 174. 


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INDIA 149 

has increased by 179 per cent., by Mahomedans 129 per cent., by 
Eurasians 106 per cent., and by Europeans only 36 per cent." • 

2. The Government officials do not interfere with Municipal Boards 
except in important matters, and it must be remembered that the elected 
members of these Boards are nearly always drawn from one, the Babu, 
class, who in no sense represent the masses of the people. 

3. The existing combination of judicial and administrative functions 
derives from our predecessors in title, and is not an invention of the 
English. The District Officer in practice has little to do with launching 
prosecutions, being only in a formal sense head of the police, who have 
their own administrative officers, actual prosecutions being generally 
conducted before subordinate magistrates. 

4. It is impossible to dismember that which no longer exists as an unit. 
Bengal, either as a whole, or in two parts, is still only a portion of the 
British-Indian Empire. The partition has, moreover, enabled a vast area 
to be better administered, the official machinery has merely been dupli- 
cated, the same laws are administered by the same Civil Service, and the 
anti-partition movement has notoriously been engineered from Calcutta, 
and does not represent the feelings of the populations affected, who have 
made no serious sign of disapproval. 

5. It would at present be difficult to raise money in India for the 
extension of educational facilities by reducing the army, the strength of 
which is very small in proportion to the population and area to be 
protected. That strength was fixed after the Mutiny, and should now 
be raised rather than reduced in proportion to the increased area and 
population. The country must be safe before it can be educated. Safety 
before even education. 

6. The larger part of 'Hhe drain" represents interest on capital 
borrowed from England at exceptionally low rates, owing to the con- 
nection between India and Qreat Britain, and remuneratively employed 
in railways, irrigation, and other public works of utility. 

7. As regards social intercourse the absence of commensality and the 
seclusion of native women forms an effectual bar, of native making, to 
unrestricted social intercourse. English officers who are guilty of 
discourteous treatment of natives are severely punished by the Govern- 
ment, and while every such case is magnified and turned to accoimt by 
agitators, the genercdly friendly relations existing pass unnoticed. 
** The accusation of lack of sympathy, comradeship, and social inter- 
course is twaddle ; there is an ample supply of honest comradeship and 
real sympathy, not of the tea-cake varieties, which is merely the 
doctrinaire philanthropy of parochial officialdom.*' f 

8. As to the class of the Indian Civil Servants at present provided by 

* ** Lord Ourzon in India," p. 144. 
t ** The West in the East," p. 182. 

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competitive ezaminfttion, there will by ohanoe, of course, be some im- 
satiidEaotory youths recruited, though the great xoajority aro of exactly that 
public school and university, social and educational extraction favoured 
in the Holmes circular, to which in advanced Badical quarters such 
strong exception was lately taken. Avoidance of occasional malrecruit- 
ment is inevitable under a democratic competitive system, and must be 
endured, since it is most improbable that the Government of India 
will enlarge the sphere of private and official patronage. 

9. Native States are, so far as their foreign relations are concerned, 
under the protection of the British Government. They have no inter- 
national obligations and no occasion for spending money on defence. 
The British Government is differently situated in this behalf. 

10. The occupation of India by the English has given personal freedom, 
general prosperity, and security to an extent hitherto unrealised and 
unlmagined, put an end to the perpetual internecine wars between the 
many peoples of India, and established a settled order of things on which 
men may count Grime in high places is no longer common. Sati has 
been abolished, sorcery, poisoning, domestic murder, and lives of senseless 
depravity are disappearing.* 

11. The forest regulations are made in the permanent interests of the 
people themselves, such protection being necespary in order to the 
preservation of the sources of rivers, streams, fuel, and timber, for 
the retention of moisture in the soil, for the mitigation of heat, and 
the more equable distribution of rain. 

12. The English Gk)vemment does not provide education merely as a 
means to obtaining (Government appointments, but as a means of 
uplifting the recipients to a higher moral plane. That the class of 
education given is unsuitable for this purpose cannot be denied, since 
it is undenominational and tends to increase atheism and agnosticism. 


Northern India. ByW. Crooke. 

Lord Ourzon in India. By Sir T. Raleigh, E.O.S.I. 

Indian Problems. By S. M. Mitra. 

The West in the East. By Price Collier. 

The Native States of India. By Sir William Lee Warner, K.C.S.I. 

Indian Speeches. By Viscount Morley. 

An Eastern Miscellany. By the Earl of Bonaldshay, M.P. 

Administrative Problems of British India. By M. Joseph Ohailley. 

Economic Transition in India. By Sir Theodore Morison, KO.I.E. 

The New Spirit in India. By H. W. Nevinson. 

<* India Under Bipon," Wilfrid Scaweu Blunt, p. 806. 


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INDIA 151 

Among Indian Bajahs and Byoto. By Sir Andrew Eraser, K.G.S.I. 

Indian Unrest. By Valentine Ohirol. 

The Awakening of India. By J. B. Macdonald, M.P. 

India. By J. Eeir Hardie, M.P. 

Studies of Indian Life and Sentiment. By Sir Bampfylde Fuller, K.O.S.I. 

Polioe and Grime in India. By E. Ck>z. 

India Under Bipon. By Wilfrid Scawen Blunt. 

The Opium Trade. By D. McLaren. 

India and the Durbar. Maomillan, 1911. 

The Beal India. By J. D. Bees, O.LE., M.P. 

Modem India. By Sir J. D. Bees, K.O.LB., C.V.O., M.P. 

The Mahomedans. By J. D. Bees. 

Tours in India. By J. D. Bees. 

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Imperial Gonfebbncb, 1911. 

PBOBLEMS connected with our Dominions and Colonies, 
being equally numerous, complex and controversial, it is 
obvious that they cannot be discussed in a work such as this 
in other than brief and comprehensive fashion. And in fact 
the most important questions have just come under review at 
the Imperial Conference of 1911, which will undoubtedly 
prove to be a new point of departure, at which most of the 
current controversies assumed a novel form, and from which 
their future development will date. 

It was not Colonial but Imperial in character ; it was not a 
discussion upon domestic relations between the Mother 
Country and her Colonies, but a Conference between the 
Governments of five self-governing nations of equal status 
within one Empire, concerning their common interests, and 
at which for the first time foreign relations and defence were 
the most important subjects upon the agenda paper. 

It was already obvious long before the Conference met 
in 1911 that existing arrangements under which the Colonies 
were allowed complete local autonomy, while Imperial affairs 
were entirely imder the control of the British Government, 
could not much longer endure, and that as the daughter States 
increased in population, trade, and importance they neces- 
sarily became more and more likely to be immediately affected 
by and concerned with British foreign policy. 

Mr. Chamberlain at the Conference of 1897 said, " It is not 
necessary for me to argue on the advantages of closer union 
between England and the Dominions. Strong as is the basis of 


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sentiment, we all feel that it would be desirable to still further 
tighten the tie which binds us together. The idea of federation 
is in the air/* Little, however, was then done to strengthen 
what Mr. Chamberlain described as the principle of ** mutual 
support '' and to develop a ** truly Imperial patriotism." 

At the Conference of 1902 Mr. Chamberlain did not hesitate 
to say ** that in his opinion the political federation of the 
Empire was within the bounds of possibility.*' He specially 
dwelt on the increase of armaments amongst foreign nations, 
and in further considering the Imperial system of defence he 
promised a voice in Imperial afifairs as a return for an 
Imperial subvention. It was then resolved that a quadrennial 
Conference should be held, and all the -Premiers, except 
Sir Wilfrid Laurier, accepted the principle of contributions to 
the cost of the British Navy, in recognition of which a 
resolution was passed to the effect that so far as possible the 
views of the Colonies should be obtained in negotiating treaties 
with foreign Powers. 

Mr. Chamberlain, however, after his visit to South Africa 
was less hopeful of the early poUtical federation of the 
Empire, and looked rather to commercial union as the 
immediate goal. The Conference of 1907 accordingly resolved 
that quadrennial meetings should be known as Imperial 
Conferences, and that at such meetings questions of common 
interest should be discussed and considered as between 
the British Government and the administrations of the 
self-governing Dominions beyond the seas. This substituted 
a basis of Imperial co-operation for one of Imperial Union, 
and the principle of contribution to the British Navy was 
abandoned in favour of a policy of construction of Colonial 
fleets. Questions of foreign policy and defence were not 
discussed at that Conference, an omission partly due no 
doubt to the attitude of the then newly elected Liberal 
majority which supported Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. 

Imperial Co-operation. 

Before the meeting of the Conference of 1911 the confes- 
sions of Mr. Asquith's Government as to the, till then 

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unappreciated, advance of Germany towards a position of 
equality with this country at sea augmented the importance 
of the meeting and emphasised the necessity for the co- 
operation of the Dominions in defence and in foreign 

Canada then agreed to create a navy of five armoured 
cruisers and six destroyers, and Australia of one Dreadnought 
cruiser, three armoured cruisers, and six destroyers. New 
Zealand agreed to contribute at once one Dreadnought cruiser 
for service in New Zealand and Chinese waters and an 
annual grant of £100,000. The new navies were to be 
under the control of their own Gk>vemment8, but Sir Wilfrid 
Laurier alone declared <* that it was not advisable for Canada 
to mix in the armaments of the Empire, but that it should be 
left to the Canadian Parliament, Government, and people to 
take part in wars in which they have no voice only if they 
thought fit to do so." "^ 

A special significance attached to this declaration as at that 
time not only had the German scare supervened, but 
Canada had negotiated with Japan upon Japanese immigration 
through the British Ambassador at Tokio, as she has since 
with America with the help of our representative at Washing- 
ton, and South Africa has made a treaty with Portugal 
regarding Delagoa Bay. 

It does not appear that the subsidiary Conference of 1909 
appreciated the fact that in determining the manner in which 
the Colonies could best participate in Imperial defence, it was 
practically superseding the old idea of Imperial Union by a 
new policy of Imperial co-operation, fraught with tremendous 
issues. Sir W. Laurier's contention that Canada should take 
no part in the drafting of treaties lest such participation 
should imply responsibility for, and obligation of sharing 
in, any resulting war, was repudiated by the most important 
organs, even of the Liberal Canadian Press. The Winnipeg 
Free Press wrote : ** When Great Britain is at war the whole 
Empire is at war, therefore the overseas Dominions, not less 
than the Motherland, are open to attack. In actual practice 
* Oanadian Parliameot, November 99, 1910. 

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the Dominions would be involved only in the event of a war 
with a first' class Power, but technicaJly they are engaged in 
hostilities in every little war that breaks out on the far-flung 
boundaries of the Empire." * 

The Toronto Olobe declared that, <*In defence of the 
Empire there is no doubt what would be Canada's attitude. 
Every man, every dollar would be sent to the aid of the 
Motherland were she hard pressed." t 

Since Canadian Liberals take this line, and since there 
is not much doubt that Canadian Conservatives hold, at 
least as strongly, identical opinions, it may be hoped that 
before long a general agreement will be reached to the effect 
that when England is at war the Empire is at war. It is 
pretty clear that the navies of the Dominions cannot be 
allowed a free hand without bringing the Imperial structure 
to the ground. Unity in defence is no longer in sight, and 
identical foreign policy seems likely to vanish from the 
political horizon if the Canadian Premier's disastrous lead finds 
any general following. 

As Mr. Jebb has urged, "there is a strong particularist 
tendency of national feeling in all daughter States," I but this 
need not necessarily be antagonistic to Imperial co-opera- 
tion, nor can any daughter State have isolated diplomatic 
relations with foreign Powers unless she has an army and navy 
of strength something like equal to that of the armaments of 
the other contracting party behind her own diplomacy. 

Impbbiaii Cottnoil of Statb. 

The first proposal which came before the Conference of 1911 
was that of New Zealand, which set out that the present stage 
of Imperial development rendered it expedient that there 
should be an Imperial Council of State — ^with representatives 
from all the self-governing portions of the Empire — ^in theory 
and in fact, advisory to the Imperial Oovemment on all 
questions affecting the interests of His Majesty's dominions 
overseas. This, however, was withdrawn, after failing to 

* Jtme 8, 1911. f June 7, 1911. 

I <« Studies in OolonialNfttionaUsm." 

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meet with the approval of the representatives of other 

Standing Committee of Imperial Conference. 

Other proposals, also made by the Prime Minister of New 
Zealand, regarding the reconstitution of the Colonial Office 
were met by alternative suggestions put forward on behalf 
of the Imperial Government. The latter involved the creation 
of a new committee, composed of the Secretary, Under- 
Secretarj^ and Permanent IFnder- Secretary of State for the 
Colonies, and of the High Commissioners or other repre- 
sentatives appointed by the Governments concerned. Neither 
the New Zealand nor the Colonial Office proposals were 

From time to time during the Conference of 19H the Prime 
Ministers of the overseas Dominions met on^ the Imperial 
Defence Committee, but their proceedings were considered to 
be confidential in character and were not published. It was, 
however, regarded as highly satisfactory that these statesmen 
were admitted frankly to the innermost circle of the British 
Government, as had indeed been promised by the Colonial 
Secretary when a valuable resolution moved by Mr. Walter 
Guinness was adopted in the House of Commons on April 19, 
1911, to the effect that '*this House is of opinion that 
discussions on the international situation should be added to 
the programme of the Imperial Conference." * 

Hon. Walter Guinness's Resolution. 

In this debate an Imperial Advisory; Council was advocated 
as well as a proposal to sever the administration of the 
Dominions from the Colonial Office, and to create a separate 
Minister for Imperial affairs. It was urged that the States of 
the Empire had outgrown the condition in which they were 
content to leave the control of their foreign affairs entirely to 
the home Government, since they had now decided to construct 
fleets for themselves. The Declaration of London was in- 
stanced as a case, which, like the New Hebrides Convention, 
* Parliamentary Debates, April 19, 1911. 

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should have been, and was not, brought before the Govern- 
ments of the Dominions and Colonies, and in ignorance of the 
forthcoming renewal stress was laid upon the urgent necessity 
for arriving at some common understanding before the termina- 
tion in 1915 of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. 

One object of Mr. Guinness's motion was to ensure that the 
Prime Minister and the Foreign, as well as the Colonial, 
Secretary should be present at the sessions of the Conference, 
and that the inter-dependence of naval defence and of responsi- 
bility for foreign affairs should be fully admitted. Able speeches 
were delivered upon the great question whether in the future 
the wars of the United Kingdom would necessarily be those of 
the whole Empire, and weighty opinions were expressed to the 
effect that only at an Imperial Conference could any progress 
be made towards a solution of the difficult and menacing 
problem of Asiatic immigration. 

There is every reason to believe that their own participation 
in the deliberations of the Imperial Defence Committee was 
warmly welcomed by the Dominion Premiers and will prove to 
be a new departure of happy augury. A singular feature of the 
conference was an entertainment at the Eighty Club, at which 
Mr. Lloyd George expressed Imperial sympathies, and at 
which Mr. Fisher, the Prime Minister of Australia, who had 
commended himself to public opinion in this country by his 
early and complete repudiation of the anti-military agitator of 
the type of Mr. Keir Hardie, made a somewhat cold rejoinder 
to Mr. George's lead regarding ** the necessity imder which the 
Old Country feels itself of banishing those social evils which 
undermine its lustre and strength." Mr. George during the war 
in South Africa had, of course, himself occupied a somewhat 
similar position to that of Mr. Eeir Hardie, and Mr. Fisher 
seemed anxious above all things to dissociate himself from any 
peace-and-ploughshare policy which was, or might be described 
as, wanting in proper patriotic spirit. 

DboiiAbation of London. 
The discussion upon the Declaration of London showed that 
the Colonies regarded this instrument with, to say the least. 

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very moderate satisfaction, but the Conference decided to 
support its ratification* upon the understanding that on all 
future occasions of the like character the Dominions would be 
consulted before any Hague Conference was held from which 
any such agreement might result. The Australian Common- 
wealth, however, was no party to the resolution, and telegraphic 
advices from the Commonwealth, commenting on the attitude 
of the Australian Prime Minister, indicated that a strong feeling 
prevailed in well-informed circles to the effect that the Declara- 
tion was unfavourable to Australian interests. 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on this occasion also, took a line, after- 
wards more or less abandoned, which would be fatal to any 
permanent connection between Canada and the Mother Country. 
It is difficult to understand his attitude. Either Canada is or 
is not part of the British Empire. The accepted position 
recognises her as a member, and it would cost her infinitely 
more to maintain by her own armaments that security which 
she now possesses by virtue of her partnership. Under Great 
Britain, or some powerful nation, so far as can be foreseen, her 
destinies must he accomplished. 

Labour Exchangbs. 

It was probably in deference to the British Labour Party that 
a resolution, which had subsequentiy to be withdrawn, was 
moved for the extension of the system of Labour Exchanges 
upon an Imperial basis between the Mother Country and the 
Colonies. This, as might have been expected, met witii general 
condemnation from practical statesmen. 

Resolutions were passed in favour of greater uniformity 
throughout the Empire in laws relating tocopyright, trademarks, 
and companies, but a motion by Mr. Fisher, the Premier of a 
Labour Government, be it remembered, urging the support of 
British manufactured goods and British shipping, proved 

Intbbohangb of Crvm Sbbvants. 

The Government proposal, to which reference has been made, 
to establish a Standing Committee of the Conference, containing 

* Sm p. 99. 

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the High Commissioners as well as representatives of the 
home Gk>yemment, not meeting with sufficient support, and the 
resolution of the Government of New Zealand dealing with the 
reoonstitution of the Colonial Office having been withdrawn, a 
resolution was passed at the instance of New Zealand in favour 
of an interchange of selected officials of the respective Civil 
Services of the Imperial Government and the Dominions, with a 
view to the acquirement of better knowledge by both services 
in regard to questions of common interest. 

Lord Elgin's Sbobbtabiat. 

Upon the whole, the discussion upon reorganisation in 1911 
showed the wisdom of Lord Elgin's scheme of 1907, the 
adoption of which did not involve any interference with the 
responsibiUty or the organisation of the Colonial Office. 
Lord Elgin's Secretariat has done most useful work, and 
the Conference was not able to improve upon the arrange- 
ments made in this behalf in 1907. The difficulty of creating 
satisfactory machinery for carrying on the work and influence 
of the Conference between the meetings hinges upon the 
necessity for maintaining the responsibility of the Ministers 
concerned to the various Parliaments. It was this objection 
which led to the rejection of the scheme for the creation 
of an Advisory Body. Australia possesses a Department of 
External Affairs and a Department of Defence, the Ministers 
of both of which were present at the Conference of 1911. 
Canada has only recently, and South Africa and New 
Zealand have not yet, created a department of the like nature. 
In Canada Defence is divided between the Ministers of Marine 
and Militia, in South Africa it has a share in a Minister, and in 
New Zealand this portfolio is, with several others, in the hands 
of the Prime Minister. It is clear, therefore, that' some change 
in the direction of co-ordination is required in the Dominions 
as well as in the Colonial Office. 

Sbobbtabial and Ministbbial PbOPOSAIiS. 

There must at any rate be a further development of inter- 
course between the Ministers concerned at home and abroad, 

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and the appoiDtment of a whole- time Minister for the 
Dominions in the British Government is a reform already 
well in sight. 

It might well be urged ** that in future the Colonial Ministers 
of Defence should be made members of the Imperial Com- 
mittee of Defence, and that each Qovernment should create a 
Ministry for External Affairs whose functions would correspond 
with those of a British Minister deputed to control the existing 
work of the Dominions Department of the Colonial Office, and 
that work alone." 

These excellent suggestions were made by the able writer 
who deals with this subject in The Times* 


Upon the not imimportant subject of naturalisation the 
Conference decided to re-draft the Bill prepared in 1907 upon 
the principles that the five years period now required for 
naturalisation in Britain might be spent anywhere within the 
Empire, and that nothing in the Bill should affect the validity 
of local immigration laws. This question had given rise to 
considerable difficulty in 1907 on account of the attitude of 
South Africa and Australia towards coloured immigrants. It 
was obvious that those Dominions which object to such 
immigrants were not likely to agree to receive non-Europeans 
as citizens by virtue of naturalisation, effected in parts of the 
Empire which do not object to coloured immigration. At present 
the period of residence required differs in different countries 
of the Empire. The British law requires five years' residence 
in the United Kingdom — for which, imder the Bill now pro- 
visionally accepted by the Conference, five years' residence 
within the limits of the Empire will be substituted. Canada 
requires three, Australia two, Newfoundland five, years' resi- 
dence, while New Zealand exacts no definite period. Most of 
the Dominions accept a naturalisation certificate of the United 
Kingdom in lieu of residence, and Australia, New Zealand, 
South Africa, and Newfoundland refuse to naturalise members 
of certain non-European races 

♦ June 8, 1911 

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Intba-Imfebial Migbation. 

A resolution was also passed recommending that the present 
policy of encouraging intra-Imperial migration should be con- 
tinued, and that full co-operation should be accorded to any 
Dominion in want of immigrants. Mr. Bums was able to 
show that while in 1900 only 33 per cent, of the emigrants 
from the United Kingdom migrated to other parts of the 
Empire, the proportion in the first few months of 1911 had 
risen to 80 per cent. A Standing Committee appointed in 1910 
by the Soyal Colonial Institute, under the chairmanship of the 
Duke of Marlborough, to report upon measures for the better 
organisation and control of emigration from the United Eang- 
dom to the Dominions, reported in the following year. 

In its report the Committee pointed out that " the tide of 
satisfactory emigrants from North-Western Europe appears to 
be ebbing and a less eligible class is presenting itself from the 
East and South." While, however, it is becoming more and 
more necessary for the Dominions to attract eligible settlers 
from the British Isles, a difficulty is created by the desire in 
the Dominions only for a class of emigrant which the United 
Kingdom is unwilling to lose. The Committee holds that a via 
viedia satisfactory to both sides can nevertheless be found, 
since in its opinion " there are many people who are unem- 
ployed or under-employed and have no prospects in this 
country, yet who would, and who in practice do, prove admir- 
able colonists, on the land or in the towns, if they can be 
transferred to suitable employment in the Dominions before a 
long period of idleness has undermined their self-reliance and 
weakened their habits of industry." 

The Committee considered that an official committee should 
be constituted to represent the existing voluntary emigration 
societies and harmonise conflicting interests, and thought such 
a committee might be developed out of the existing Emigrants' 
Information Office and might include representatives of the 
Dominion Governments. The functions suggested for it are 
as follows : — 

(a) To advise on aU general questions of policy affecting emigration. 

(b) To co-ordinate the emigration societies of the United Kingdom. 


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(e) To oolleot and disseminate the inf onnation now dealt with by the 
Emigrants' Information Office. 

(^ To deal with labour exchanges, boards of goardians, county 
councils, distress committees, the Gentral Unemployed Body, and other 
bodies on all matters connected with emigration. 

{e) To deal with High Commissioners, Agents-CHneral, and agencies in 
the Orerseas Dominions in regard to questions of emigration. 

Imdun Imhzobation. 

As regards the vexed question of the immigration of natives 
of India into the territory of the South African Union, the 
only possible attitude for the Imperial Government to take 
was to recognise the right of a self-governing community to 
choose the elements of which it should be constituted. The 
Home Government, therefore, in no way pressed the Govern- 
ment of the Union to admit a class of immigrants, which the 
people of South Africa was determined to exclude. They only 
asked that the exclusion should be effected in such a manner 
as not to humiliate the natives of India concerned. The 
attitude of the South A^can Colonies is in no way singular, 
for the influx of coloured persons into Australia is successfully 
prevented by legislation, which, without drawing distinctions 
on the ground of race and colour, sufficiently safeguards the 
inhabitants of the Commonwealth. Coloured persons are not 
excluded by any colour bar, but by the action of the immigra- 
tion officers. The British Indians have, however, a special, as 
well as a general, claim upon the English in South Africa, for 
during the Boer War great services were rendered in Natal 
by the Indian community, which behaved in so unselfish, 
courageous, and public-spirited a manner that it might well 
be urged that they were ill requited by the local Governments 
when peace was restored. On the other hand it must be 
admitted that natives of India completely undersell natives of 
Europe whenever they come into competition with them, and 
that the solicitude of the Union and local Governments in 
South Africa for the interests of their white subjects was not 
only excusable but absolutely necessary and correct. 

It is not only in South Africa that acute difficulties in regard 

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to immigration arise. Saoh have been experienced in Canada, 
which its inhabitants are determined shall remain a white 
man's country, not only for social and economic reasons, but 
on national and political grounds. Gsmada claims that British 
alliances or British obligations shall not lead to any restric- 
tions on the right of the Dominion to legislate as regards 
immigration. The competition of Indian labour, if it was 
largely increased, would occasion general unrest amongst the 
white working men, whose standard of living is higher than 
that of Asiatics, and who as citizens have obligations to fulfil 
and expenditure to meet, in fact, a general status to maintain, 
with which the Indian coolie has no concern. 

As emigration to Canada under an agreement to labour is 
not lawful under the Indian Emigration Act of 1883, unless 
Canada provides such laws as the Indian Government thinks 
sufficient to protect immigrants, it is within the power of 
either the Indian or Canadian Governments to stop this move- 
ment, and the Dominion Government has accordingly passed an 
Order in Council prohibiting the landing in the Dominion of 
immigrants who come to Canada in violation of the laws of 
their own country, and rendering them liable to deportation. 
So far as contract labour, the most dreaded class, is concerned, 
this remedy is complete, and in respect of other immigrants, 
the regulation of the Canadian Government requiring a con- 
tinuous passage upon through tickets from' the country to 
which such immigrants belong, and the possession of a mini- 
mum sum of $25, should prove an effectual bar. There is 
not, of course, and never has been, any indentured emigration 
from India to Canada. The people of India, it is said, will 
resent Canada's action. What people ? What castes and 
sections of which people inhabiting which regions in a vast 
continent, the home of numerous races without cohesion, 
fellow-feeling, or common sentiment ? The Bengali Press and 
the Indian Press elsewhere controlled by Bengali Babus and 
Poona Brahmins, will tell a different tale, but Asiatics do not 
sympathise with brother Asiatics as Europeans, often in a 
most ineffectual manner, do sympathise with brother 
Europeans. Mr. Meredith Towiisend with perfect truth wrote 

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in his remarkable work, " Asia and Europe" : ** Sympathy has 
yet to be bom in Asia. Asiatics lack that side of the 
imagination which we call ympathy, which has become so 
dominant among ourselves, that we are apt to forget how 
comparatively recent its development has been." It has 
indeed become dominant among ourselves to such an extent 
that we are in danger of forgetting that in India itself, as well 
as without its wide limits, an Imperial governing people must 
continue to practise an Imperial impartiality, for sympathy 
with one race, caste, class, sect, or religion provokes antipathy 
against another, while sympathy is ever in danger of degenera- 
tion into tawdry and mischievous sentiment, and lends itself 
with fatal facility to prostitution as a party pawn and foul 
play as an agitator's counter. 

It must also be recognised that Indians coming from 
tropical climates possess manners and customs so imlike those 
of the Canadians that they must necessarily suffer privations 
such as render a discontinuance of such immigration most 
desirable in their own interests, and that the emigration 
of Indians to Canada was due to highly coloured pictures of 
Canadian prosperity circulated broadcast in certain parts of 
India in the interests of steamship companies and sundry 
industrial concerns, which desired to obtain unskilled labour 
at wages below the current rates. Steps have now been taken 
to counteract these inducements, and immigrants v;bo come 
otherwise than by a continuous journey from their own country 
are, as above stated, not permitted to land in Canada. 

It is not, however, only, or chiefly, a question of Indian 
immigration. As the result of a careful inquiry the Com- 
missioner appointed by the Canadian Government reported 
that unless measures were adopted sufficiently effective to 
prohibit absolutely all immigration from Hawaii, and the 
importation of contract labour from Japan, there were strong 
grounds for believing that the number of Japanes likely to 
enter Canada would become excessive, and that a traffic in 
Japanese labour would be developed such as had never been 
equalled in the importation of any class of coohe labour ever 
brought to the Canadian shores. 

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Mr. Mackenzie-King thought that an immediate eonsidera- 
tion of the subject was desirable, not only in the interests of 
British Columbia, but of the whole Dominion, and that any 
effective solution demanded the prohibition of such Japanese 
immigration as might come from countries beyond Japanese 
jurisdictjioQ, and an absoluiie restriction of the numbers coming 
directly from that country. Japanese emigration into Hawaii 
has, however, fallen largely in 1909 and 1910, and the island 
Empire wants all her spare population, and more, to settle in 
and develop, Formosa, Korea, and Manchuria. 

There is good reason to believe that the South African 
Indian immigration question has been used as an agitator's 
counter in India, and it is, of course, from this point of 
view, and still more in view of the necessity for dealing 
generously with British Indians, most desirable that humili- 
ating and restrictive legislation should, as far as possible, 
be avoided. 

Eepeal, however, of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907, 
implies not only the discontinuance of the methods of identi- 
fication by finger-prints, but the surrender by the Transvaal 
of certain powers of exclusion, which the whole white com- 
munity has determined that the Government shall retain and 

The Asiatic Begistration Amendment Law of 1908 allowed 
signatures to be taken only in the case of educated property 
possessors and well-known Asiatics, and finger-prints in other 
cases, and also prescribed that no regulation should be 
enforced to which the Asiatics had religious objections. The 
objectionable part of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act was 
cancelled, but Indians still remain subject to its provisions, 
and do not come under the Immigrants Bestriction Act, which 
provides in the case of healthy, sane, and satisfactory 
immigrants a dictation test only, in some European language. 

LoBD Sandebson'b Gommittbb. 

A Committee appointed in March, 1909, to report on Indian 
emigration to the C^wn Colonies and Protectorates, of wMch 

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Lord Sanderson was Chairman, fully considered this general 
question and reported'^ :-* 

(1) That subject to certain recomxnendationfl in regard to indindoal 
colonies, the system of indentured immigration as actually worked is not 
open to serious objection in the interests of the immigrant labourer. 

(2) That Indian immigration is of the greatest assistance in developing 
the resources of some of our tropical colonies, and in increasing their 

(3) That in the present condition of India, indentured emigration is 
the only practicable form of emigration to distant colonies on any 
considerable scale. 

Lord Sanderson's Committee had no concern, of course, with 
self-governing Dominions and in no way helped to a solution 
of the difficulties in South Africa. 

It was urged on behalf of the Indians in the Transvaal that 
a system of identification by finger-prints is degrading, 
although such a system is enforced without the slightest 
objection in every registry office in Bengal, besides being used 
in many parts of India in commercial transactions. It was, 
moreover, adopted by the Indian Government in 1899 as an 
efficient method of preventing perjury and personation, and is 
a system against which no objection can be raised on the 
grounds of religion, caste, sex, or rank in society. An excellent 
authority has also given as a good reason for its introduction 
the fact that ^* there was no prejudice to be overcome in obtain* 
ing the finger-prints required." t At present, moreover, such 
test is in practice only exacted from uneducated Indians who 
have no formed handwriting. | The fact is that under existing 
conditions in British India the unrestful English-educated 
malcontents are on the look-out for any grievance, and take 
any opportunity like this which offers for attacking the 

The Asiatics in the Transvaal themselves have accepted the 
position that further immigration of their fellow-countrymen 
should be stringently restricted, but it is not unnatural that 

• Od. 5192. 

t <* The Olassifioation and Uses of Finger Prints,*' by Sir Edward Henry. 

t Od. 6579, 1911. Union olSonth Africa: Bill to regulate immigiration. 

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domiciled Indians who have left the Transvaal have returned 
to India with feelings of resentment at the treatment they 
experienced at the hands of their European fellow-subjects. 
Such resentment is not without some justification, of which 
the disloyal elements in the Indian population are swift to 
make use. The Asiatic Law Amendment Act, which was based 
upon the assumption that there was a considerable iUicit 
immigration into the Transvaal, has been replaced by a new 
Validation Act, to which Asiatics take no great exception. It 
was, in fact, a sentimental grievance, which Asiatics ventilated 
against a law which had already become practically inoperative. 
There was more point, however, in their request that the right 
of educated Indians to enter the Transvaal, imrestricted by 
general immigration law, should be recognised. 

It is evident that no step more fatal to the Empire can be 
taken than to attempt to force on colonists a code of conduct, 
such as could never be made applicable to inhabitants of Great 
Britain, in regard to their relations with the inhabitants of 
other non-European countries, whether or not such are fellow- 
subjects of the Grown. 

Behind the trivial points at issue in the dispute in the 
Transvaal lies the tremendous question of the relations 
between Europeans and Asiatics, in which the self-governing 
colonies are most interested, and which must settle such 
questions for themselves. 

Keen sympathisers with Indians in the Transvaal should 
not, however, be blind to the fact that it is gross hypocrisy for 
England to denoimce a colony for taking in the face of com- 
petition on the part of Asiatics, precisely that action which 
the British Government, by itself, or under pressure from the 
Labour Party, would at once take in the same circumstances 
in Britain, nor do the Native Indian Governments at all 
observe the principle that all British subjects should have 
equal treatment under all Governments in the British Empire, 
for Europeans are excluded by a colour bar from settling 
within thejimits of several of the Native States in India, and 
in other cases they can only do so with the express permission 
of the Government. It is also somewhat inconsistent that 

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this theory should be advaaoed from India at a time when 
Babus of Bengal and Brahmins of the Deccan, who claim to 
be representative of the peoples of India, are urging the 
expulsion of the English from that country, and indeed have 
organised a spirited campaign, after the Russian Nihilist 
model, for the assassination of the British officials. The fact 
is that no colony is likely to relinquish what Lord de Villiers, 
Chief Justice of the Cape, described "as one of the most 
precious privileges of any community, that of deciding for 
themselves of what material the future nation shall be built." 
Least of all will the colonists in the South African Union 
relinquish this privilege when they have before their eyes the 
case of Natal, which, having, in haste to obtain labour, accepted 
the condition of the Indian Government that imported 
Asiatics should be allowed to settle in the Colony, now 
possesses a population in which the Asiatics number thirteen 
to every ten Europeans. In Natal the former have replaced 
the European artisans, cultivators, and tradesmen, and have 
invaded the professions and the highest walks of commercial 
life. Sir Arthur Lawley, Lord Milner, and Lord Selborne 
have pointed out* that unless white society is allowed to 
legislate for its own protection, the conditions of South Africa 
will be assimilated to those of India, and she will not be able 
to maintain control if the natives rise, or to protect her own 
shores, without a paid army imported from Europe. 

The theory that all subjects of British Imperial rule 
are entitled to equal treatment in every part of the Empire 
must break down wherever it is exposed to a working test. 
Carry this theory to its logical conclusion, and it v^ill be 
necessary to reserve the tropical possessions of Great Britain 
for the Indian, and the temperate zones for the European, 
colonists, and any attempt to coerce the self-governing colonies 
in this behalf can only result in their ceasing to be integral 
parts of the Empire. 

Another aspect of the case which arises is that the spectacle 
of British-Indian subjects combining together to break the law 
is not very improving for the masses of our native African 
* Gd. 2289 of 1904, p. 28; Cd. 8308 of 1904, p. 2. 

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subjects, aad may indeed well prove pessimi exempli^ nor can 
the British Government, with any consistency, urge that action 
should be taken by a self-governing colony which it did not 
itself take when the territory of such colony was actually 
administered by itself as a Crown Colony. 

The whole subject is one eminently worthy of attention 
from the Imperial Conference, at which, however, no more than 
a resolution was carried calling for greater uniformity in 
Imperial legislation on the subject. 

No claim of the natives of our colonies and foreign 
possessions to share with white citizens the obligations of 
citizenship, and the corresponding social and political rights 
and privileges, will colonials concede, and any attempt to 
force upon them any such system can only result in the 
transference of territory now directly or indirectly under our 
rule to that of some more virile and sensible community. Nor 
is such a community wanting, or unwilling to take over so 
great and glorious a charge. 

The difficulties of the situation, far from diminishing, are 
only likely, as time passes, to increase. For instance, although 
the great need by common consent of Australia is population, 
the Labour Party now in power in the Commonwealth use all 
their influence and power to prevent immigration, and appeals 
addressed to them on the score of the need for the develop- 
ment of the dreary soUtudes of a vast unpeopled continent 
are made in vain. 

At the present moment a Bill * is before the Union Parlia- 
ment of South Africa for the Sepeal of the Asiatic Begistration 
Act, for the removal from the text of the Immigration Act of 
1907 of any differential bar to the entrance of Asiatics as such, 
for the substitution of an education test on the Australian 
principle, and for providing by regulation for the entrance 
each year of a limited number of educated Indians. It is, 
however, as the Prime Minister, General Botha, hinted in 
a dispatch to the Colonial Office, only too probable that this 
settlement will not be accepted as final by all the parties 

* Gd. 5579. Union of South Africa: Bill to Begnlate Immigration 

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oonoemed, but will beoome a fresh starting-point for another 
agitation for new demands in the future on the part of agita- 
tors in India, who work upon their fellow-countrymen in South 
Africa, at least in part to serve their own ends. 

Immediately before the Imperial Conference met in London 
in 1911 General Botha announced that a provisional settle- 
ment had been reached in regard to the question of Asiatics 
in the Transvaal upon lines approved by the Imperial and 
Union Governments, and that the passive resistance move- 
ment had been abandoned. In addition to those, to which 
reference has already been made, the following further con- 
cessions have been allowed to the Indians by the Union 

(1) Asiatics in South Africa, who have not applied to be registered in 
consequence of the passive resistance movement, are permitted to make 
application within six months. 

(2) Thirty Asiatics now in India, who were deported under the Acts of 
1907 and 1908, or who left in consequence of the passive resistance move- 
ment, and who otherwise would be entitled to registration, can return 
and apply within six months. 

(3) Six educated Indians wiU be admitted annually free from registra- 
tion. For the present year ten Indians now in the Transvaal may 
remain under temporary permits as special oases pending fresh legisla- 

(4) Well-educated and well-known Asiatics are exempted from thumb- 
prints when making application. 

General Botha expressed his great satisfaction at the 
settlement, and said that this difficult problem had been 
solved at the right moment, that the Indians should realise 
that in framing these regulations great difficulty was experi- 
enced in obtaining the concessions made, and that he hoped 
that Indians both in South Africa and in India would 
understand this and play their part, fully assured that the 
Transvaal Government was actuated by no feelings of 
hostiUty against them. 

Socialist Laboub Tasty. 

The general policy of the Socialist Labour Party in Parlia- 
ment is to support the native inhabitants of any British 

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possession againsii the claims of the European settlers in such 
colonies and dependencies. It is singular that those who are 
specially elected for the protection of British labour in Great 
Britain should object to any protection whatever being given 
to their fellow-countrymen in partibus. Such, however, is 
invariably the case; and although the Government of Sir 
Henry Gampbell-Bannerman is entitled to the credit of having 
exercised courage and forethought in the settlement of South 
Africa, the Boers, in that region for whom his administration 
always professed affection and admiration, by no means carry 
out a pro-native policy, neither can such a policy stand the 
test of competition between British and native labour in South 
Africa, or any other part of the world. 

So strongly does the Labour Party take the pro-native line, 
that the Under-Secretary of State, Colonel Seely, behaved 
with exemplary courage in denying in Parliament "that in 
respect of humsme treatment of the natives in South Africa 
we have a monopoly of moraUty in this House." * 

This attitude is, moreover, by no means confined to the 
Labour, but characterises a large and influential section of 
the Badical Party, which contained at least one eminent 
parliamentarian, tiie late Sir Charles Dilke. Even in his 
case sympathy with the native seemed invariably to connote 
distrust of the European, and in the case of lesser lights of 
the like mind this prejudice against the white man is a 
strong and constant feature. 


Turning to other matters which engaged the attention of 
the Imperial Conference, the cable question, of course, again 
came under consideration. Australia favours the nationalisa- 
tion of the Atlantic cable so as to ensure a State-controlled 
system from Great Britain across Canada to Australasia, a 
proposal with which New Zealand is in substantial accord. 
Indeed, a State-owned Atlantic cable is a logical corollary of 
the action of the Mother Country, Canada, Australia, and 
New Zealand in providing a Pacific cable from Vancouver 
* Pfttlianieiitary Debates, 1909, vol. 9, p. 1598. 

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via Fanning Island to New Zealand and Australia. From 
this has resulted a reduction of the ordinary rates between 
Great Britain and Australia to 3s., and for the press to 9d., 
a word. A further reduction in the Atlantic charges is long 
overdue, but as the traffic between the United Kingdom and 
Canada is only a fraction of that between the United Kingdom 
and North America, and the lower rate granted in the one, 
would necessarily be applicable to the other, case, it has been 
proposed to establish a State-owned line from Scotland via 
the Faroe Islands, Iceland, Greenland, and the coast of 
Labrador. Of course this route is not "All Bed," but the 
exceptions, Iceland and Greenland, are Danish territory. 
Nevertheless, resolutions advocating a State-owned Atlantic 
cable were withdrawn at the Conference, after a motion in 
general terms in favour of a cheaper rate was carried. No 
doubt the reason for withdrawal was that the Postmaster- 
General, Mr. Samuel, stated that negotiations were in progress 
with the private cable companies, but the reductions suggested 
were so large as to create doubt as to their success.* A 
resolution was passed to the effect that if they proved unsuc- 
cessful, a subsidiary Conference should be held to reconsider 
the subject of a State-owned cable. 

" All Bed " Boutb. 

Resolutions were passed in favour of an "All Bed" mail 
route from Great Britain to Canada, Australia, and New 
Zealand, and of Imperial co-operation in commercial relations. 
To this Sir Wilfrid Laurier carried as an addition the appoint- 
ment of a Boyal Commission representing the United Kingdom 
and the Dominions to investigate and report on the whole 
subject, including the question to what extent, if any, trade 
between each of the different parts of the Empire has been 
affected by the existing legislation in each part, and by what 

* Mr. Samuel announced on December 27, 1911, that after January 1, 
1912, plain language telegrams for Australasia, Canada, India, South 
Africa and other British Oversea Dominions, and the United States wiU 
be accepted at half the ordinary rates, on condition that they may, if 
necessary, be deferred for 24 hours in favour of full rate traffic. 

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methods, consistent with the existing fiscal policy of each part, 
the trade of each part with the others may be improved and 


A very important resolution was moved by the same 
statesman, and carried with the approval of the other four 
Premiers and the Foreign Secretary, whereby the British 
Government was asked to open negotiations with foreign 
Governments having commercial treaties with us which apply 
to the Dominions, in view to securing liberty for any 
Dominions which may so desire to withdraw from the opera- 
tion of the treaty without impairing its validity in respect 
of the rest of the Empire. This was supported by reference 
to the experience of the Commonwealth Government, which, 
when it wished to give preferential treatment to British 
products carried in British ships was prevented from so 
doing by "the most-favoured nation" clause in certain 
treaties. A similar difficulty arose when Canada desired to 
give a preference to the Mother Country, and as there are in 
existence twelve treaties containing the obnoxious clause the 
question is one of great importance. 


Although the tariff question is no less important than that of 
Imperial Defence, it has only reached its present prominence 
with the amazing development in the last reign of the different 
parts of the Empire. Whether or not the so-called Free Trade 
of England can be maintained in this country, it is already 
obvious that Imperial Union is incompatible with a policy of 
Free Trade here and a policy of Protection in all the self- 
governing Dominions, and in no long time a choic0 will have 
to be made between free imports and Imperial Union. That 
the subject has not been discussed at the Conference is due to 
the fact that the party in power in Great Britain was recently 
returned, as may be fairly contended, by an electorate inclined 
on the whole to prefer Free Trade, though it might also with 
reason be argued that the largest party in the State, that of the 

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Conservatiyes, is the Imperial Preference and Tariff Reform 

Treaties with Belgium and Grermany were denounced in 
1898 because they established the principle that the Empire 
consisted of separate commercial units, whose arrangements 
with each other might be taken to constitute discrimination 
against foreign Powers, and in 1903 the preference Canada 
gave to Great Britain led to a tariff war between herself and 
Germany. Canada stood stoutly by Lord Salisbury's con- 
tention that a tariff concession given by one to another 
part of the Empire is a matter of domestic concern, and 
cannot properly be regarded by foreign Powers as coming 
within the province of most-favoured nation treaties. This 
principle, so vital to Imperial co-operation, is now pretty well 
established, but if the Dominion Governments can carry on 
separate commercial relations with foreign Powers, it must 
necessarily be abandoned. It is not probable, however, that 
Britain will be able to maintain her interpretation of the most- 
favoured nation clause to the effect that the most favoured 
shall receive all favours extended to any other nation. This is 
the interpretation she adopted, with the adoption of Free 
Trade, after which she could no longer expect favours as the 
result of bestowing them. The principle is incompatible with 
that of fiscal autonomy for the self-governing Dominions, has 
not been accepted by other Powers, and is rejected, to our loss, 
by the United States. 

Ikcomb Tax. 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer summarily disposed of a 
proposal put forward to abolish the duplication of taxation, and 
particularly of income tax, by the Imperial and Colonial 
Governments, which of course occurs also in the case of India. 
Nevertheless there is a good deal to be said for the objections 
which are raised to the present procedure, and there is at least 
a colourable case of injustice, though on the other hand it may 
be regarded as equitable that payment should be made to the 
Government of the country in which income is made, as well as 
to that of the country in which it is spent. 

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SHippiNa Combinations. 

The home Government also intimated that it was not 
prepared to take any faction dealing with shipping combin- 
ations based on the system of deferred rebates, which endows 
a shipowner with considerable power over his customers and 
has the effect of practically establishing a monopoly on certain 
routes. It is true that the Boyal Commission of 1906 did not 
recommend any far-reaching reforms, but the Majority and 
Minority Beports alike suggested certain changes upon which 
further action could be based. There is a probability that if 
some relief is not proposed by the Board of Trade steps will 
be taken by the Dominions concerned to remedy grievances 
which are felt to be alike serious and susceptible of removal. 

Impbbiaii Coxtbt of Appbal. 

The Commonwealth representatives were of opinion that an 
Imperial Court of Appeal had become a necessity. So long as 
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council is the court of final 
resort for the Colonies and Dependencies, while the House of 
Lords occupies the same position in respect of the United 
Kingdom, there can be no uniformity of judge-made law and 
identity of standards, nor can the Court of Appeal, which holds 
that position in respect of the Colonies only, satisfy the 
requirements of an Imperial Court. Moreover, the Judicial 
Committee does not contain representatives of the self- 
governing Dominions from which appeals are brought possess- 
ing the necessary local knowledge for their disposal. It^was 
suggested that judges from each of the Dominions should serve 
a term on the Committee, but no definite decision was reached 
upon this or upon any other point in regard to this admittedly 
important subject. Lord Haldane* has, however, since intro- 
duced in the House of Lords an Appellate Jurisdiction Bill, 
whereby it is proposed to lay the foundations of a stronger 
single Court of Appeal for the whole Empire, which could 
sit both as a House of Lords Court of Appeal and as a 
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, but not, as at 
* Parliamentary Debates (Lords), August 1, 1911. 

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present, so as to clash one with the other, and to make the 
provision of judges, especially for the Judicial Committee, 
a matter of difficulty. 

Enforcement op Abbitbation Awabds. 

A resolution was, however, carried calling for some arrange- 
ment whereby awards under commercial arbitration given in 
one, can be enforced in another, part of the Empire, and the 
final session was marked by the passing of two resolutions 
the importance of which will depend on the manner in which 
they are carried out. The first was to the effect that it is 
desirable that Ministers of the United Kingdom and the 
Dominions shall, between Conferences, exchange reciprocal 
visits; the second that the Government shall take into 
consideration the possibility of holding Conferences in one or 
another of the Overseas Dominions. 


The proposal made by New Zealand in favour of an 
Imperial Council of State to advise the Imperial Government 
in all matters affecting the Dominions, though it was not 
carried, met with considerable approval, because it is felt that 
the creation of such a Council would be an important step in 
the direction of Federation, and might foreshadow a future in 
which the Dominions would share in the eflFective control of 
the Empire, the daughter States of which have already far 
outgrown that stage in which they were, or could be, content 
to leave the control of their foreign relations entirely in the 
hands of the British Government. Their present conditions 
demand new openings for commerce and for intercourse with 
foreign nations. Australia and New Zealand will soon have 
a fleet of one Dreadnought, three cruisers and six destroyers, 
while Canada is preparing to construct five cruisers for home 
defence. It is obvious that difficulties such as arose when the 
Imperial Government concluded the New Hebrides Con- 
vention, without consulting the Commonwealth of Australia, 
must recur, and may become more formidable in the future. 
Delicate questions must arise regarding the immigration of 

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Asiatios into Australia, and of Europeans into Japan, and 
some system must be developed under which such matters 
will receive adequate consideration, and in which the interests 
of the Empire, and of individual Dominions will be adequately 
and equally safeguarded. The question, baldly put, is, Are 
the interests of the United Kingdom in the future, whether 
immediate or remote, to be those of the Empire as a whole ? 

The Dominions and Colonies no longer live outside the 
ambit of international politics, nor now enjoy immunity from 
international troubles and obligations, and the whole position 
is altered by the addition of strong navies to powerful armies 
in the case of three of the greatest Powers. It is doubtful 
whether this country can any longer continue adequately to 
protect her Colonies, especially as owing to the rapid increase 
in German naval construction, almost the whole strength of 
our fleet is now concentrated in the North Sea. 

It is matter for congratulation that the First Lord of the 
Admiralty, Mr. McEenna,'*' described the naval arrangements 
recently made with the Dominions as most satisfactory. 
Eeviewing the gift of a Dreadnought cruiser by New Zealand, 
the resolve of Australia and Canada to develop fleets of their 
own, and of South Africa to continue to assist the British Navy 
with an annual subvention, he announced that, where the 
Dominions have undertaken to develop fleets of their own 
there would be interchangeability of officers and men and 
such common standards of training and discipline as to insure 
in the event of war that the joint fleets would act in complete 
imion. This is an announcement of the first importance. 

It is not now a matter of course that navies of the Dominions 
will come under the Admiralty in the event of war, but the 
Canadian Government, at the end o( July, 1911, presented to 
their Parliament a memorandum embodying a scheme of con- 
joint naval organisation agreed upon at the recent Imperial 
Conference, t By this it is provided that the " naval services 
and forces of Canada and Australia will be exclusively under 
the control of their respective Governments, that the training 
and discipline of such forces will be generally uniform with 
* Speech at Pontypool, June 18, 1911. f See page 14. 


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the training and discipline of the British Navy/' and that ** in 
time of war when bhe navy of a Dominion, or any part thereof, 
has been put at the disposal of the Imperial GovemmeDt, the 
ships will form an integral part of the British fleet, and will 
remain mider the control of the British Admiralty during the 
continuance of the war." 

This memorandum is a refutation of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's 
contention, which has also been put forward and vehemently 
repudiated in South Africa,'^ to the effect that the Dominions 
can be independent in time of war. 

It is already decided that the Prime Ministers of the Greater 
Dominions shall not only be consulted at the periodical Imperial 
Conference upon matters of internal moment, but that they shall 
also attend meetings of the Committee on Imperial Defence. 

Meanwhile the Greater Dominions are prepariug to defend 
themselves. Under the Australian Defence Act of 1910, 
wherein are embodied Lord Eitchener*s recommendations to 
the Federal Government, the Commonwealth has been divided 
into 215 military areas, each of which is under the command 
of a Commissioner, assisted by one or two non-commissioned 

The era of compulsory service was inaugurated in July, 1911. 
One hundred and five thousand boys of from 14 to 18 years of 
age have been brought under the immediate discipline of a 
training that requires at least four whole-day and 12 half- 
day parades and 24 night drills a year. Next year 30,000 
youths of 18 will enter the ranks of the National Militia, and 
in each succeeding year similar batches will follow, so that in 
seven years the citizen army will number, allowing for wastage, 
120,000 trained men. 

The same month witnessed the inauguration of the com- 
pulsory Naval Force, the total required enrolment being 
3,700. There are two sections of the force, an adult, and a 

* The South Alrican Defence Bill adopts as its fundamental principle 
the liability of every citizen to serve the State in time of need, and to 
prepare himself by regular training in the use of arms. A system of 
rifle associations and of compulsory cadet training is also provided, and 
the principle of a cash contribution to the British Admiralty is t^M^t ft<"<^<^ 

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oadet, reserve, the ages of the latter ranging from 14 to 18 

The cadet system, which was proposed for adoption in 
Engbnd by Lord Haldane, but dropped by the Qovemment to 
satisfy the Socialists, has been adopted in the State schools in 
Australia, wherein there are upwards of 50,000 well-trained 
cadets, who are subsequently taken over by the volunteer and 
militia organisations. 

This lesson might well be learnt at home by politicians, who 
never weary of holding up for imitation the example of Aus- 
tralia in having, under wholly different conditions from such as 
obtain in Britain, adopted woman suffirage. 

" Of two such lessong why forget 
The nobler and the manlier one?" 

In New Zealand also compulsory military training is most 
popular, and the Socialists in a decided minority, while in the 
Australian Commonwealtb generally the purely voluntary 
system is allowed to have broken down, so that every colonist 
regards it as ignominious to allow the burden of his defence to 
rest on others than himself. 

This spirit, and the earnest appeal made to poUticians to be 
patriots first, are full of hopeful augury, and England, while 
herself still unprepared for compulsory training, does not 
hesitate to applaud, without imitating, the enterprise and 
patriotism in this behalf of daughter States. 

Australia has not yet accepted the recommendations of 
Admiral Henderson's report, but if, as is not unlikely, she 
does, she will embark on the construction of eight Dread- 
noughts, 16 protected cruisers, 18 destroyers, 12 submarines, 
and the usual complement of subsidiary ships. When she has 
a fleet of these dimensions she must have a foreign policy, and 
the same argument applies to the other Dominions, though 
Great Britain can hardly be committed by the policy of the 
daughter States on questions of war and peace. 

Gbitioisms of Oenbbal Bbsults. 
It must be reluctantly admitted that the results of this Con- 
fttrenoe, at which so many points of Imperial importance were 

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raised, have been disappointing. The Ca^ Times * disoovered 
no sign of advance, but rather of retrogression, in regard to both 
closer political and commercial union, and found support for 
this opinion in the resolution extending to Dominions liberty 
to make independent commercial treaties with foreign countries, 
and in the omission to deal with the Imperial Preference 
policy which was accepted at the previous meeting. There is 
only too much truth in the following words : *' The Imperial 
Conference is being stifled in deference to the fears of the 
politicians, both of Great Britain and the Dominions, who are 
afraid to open their windows to the Imperial air lest party 
interests in a domestic sense may suffer. Some means must 
be devised to prevent what was intended to be an Imperial 
gathering, called to discuss Imperial questions from an Imperial 
standpoint, from degenerating into a hollow makeshift of windy 
pretence, where Imperial questions likely to prove troublesome 
in local party politics are excluded by mutual agreement, and 
suppression is commended to the Empire as a notable step 
towards better mutual understanding." 

The Johannesburg Star,\ while declining to consider the 
results as disappointing in all respects, hoped the Overseas 
delegates at the next Conference would be able *' to devote most 
of their attention to concrete measures rather than to the dis- 
cussion of principles." The Australian Press hoped that the 
Prime Minister, Mr. Fisher, would adopt a wider outlook than 
was usual with members of the Labour Party, and urged the 
importance of giving practical encouragement to capital and 
immigrants. Sir Wilfrid Laurier's foreign treaty proposals 
were criticised as entirely opposed to the Imperialist ideal and 
a complete negation of the Imperial] idea, since, if they were 
adopted, one portion might have better tariff terms with a par- 
ticular country than were enjoyed by another portion of the 
Empire. Generally speaking, public feeling in Australia was 
unfavourable to the opinions and proposals of the Canadian 
Prime Minister and could not understand why he opposed Mr. 
Harcourt's contemplated Standing Committee of Dominion 
representatives as involving Imperial interference, unless 
• June 22, 1911. f June 21, 1911. 

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he confounded the autonomy with the isolation of the 

The general feeling that little or nothing was really accom- 
pUshed was expressed by Mr. Fisher when he took refuge in 
the oracular statement that ** the Conference has broadened the 
basis of Imperial unity,** and by Mr. Batchelor, his Minister for 
External Affairs in the Commonwealth Government, when, 
while professing to be satisfied with the results, he said: 
" Although it was not found possible for the moment to develop 
further the organisation of the Empire, yet aspirations for 
a better organised political union have had no kind of set- 
back; on the contrary, our feeling of close comradeship 
among the members of a united Empire has been strengthened. 
In all that makes for the Empire's unity there has been a 
great advance. No one has banged any doors." An Imperial 
Conference would appear, therefore, to be successful if it 
results in no set-back, and if no one — as it seemed necessary 
to protest — ^has banged the doors t 

HousB OF Commons and Indian Indentubed Laboub. 

Many other questions connected with the Colonies and 
Dominions become from time to time the subject of controversy 
in the House of Commons, but they are as a rule not subjects 
of much general interest. An example is the labour question 
in the island of Trinidad. A member of the Labour Party con- 
tinued from 1906-1910 to ask questions on behalf of the 
Trinidad Working Men's Association, but these ceased to have 
much interest when the Under-Secretary of State * informed 
the House that the membership of this Association, according 
to the latest available figures, was only 223. Lord Sanderson's 
Committee found no such result as reduction of wages or 
unemployment from the use of indentured labour. 

Frequent objections are taken in Parliament by the Labour 
Party to the supply of Indian indentured coolie immigrants 
into the Western Indies, though the prosperity of some of these 
islands entirely depends on this class of labour, the supply of 
which is equally beneficial to India and the West Indies, and 
* Parliamentary Debates, 1909, vol. 4, p. 1028. 

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notwithstanding the report * f avoorable to this moyement 
of labour and to its conditions, which was made in June, 1910, 
by the Committee on Emigration from India to the Crown 
Colonies and Protectorates. This report made mincemeat of all 
contentions regarding the inherent wickedness of indentured 
labour, which are articles of faith with the Labour Party. 

The Conunittee reported that Indian indentured immigration 
had rendered invaluable service to our Colonies in which a 
supply of steady labour has been required for development 
by methods of work from which the native population is 
averse, both by supplying labour and by the example afforded 
by the Indians of thrifty and persevering habits, that those 
who remain after the expiry of their indentures prove 
a valuable addition to the population as orderly and law- 
abiding members of the community, that the system is not 
open to serious objection in the interests of the immigrant 
labourer, that such emigration should only be conceded to 
colonies which allow time-expired immigrants to settle on the 
land, that it does not lower the wages of the native popu- 
lation or older colonists, but provides taxpayers who contribute 
in no inconsiderable degree to the revenues of the colony 
in which they settle. 


Another matter, also in the hands of the Labour Party, 
assisted by Radicals, Socialists, and Irish, was the treatment 
of Dinizulu, who, having adopted an attitude hostile to the 
British Government, was immediately provided with numerous 
allies in the House of Commons. Interest in, and sympathy 
with, this potentate reached its climax when the Natal 
Government were constrained to take criminal proceedings 
against him in 1907. He was sentenced to four years' im- 
prisonment for harbouring rebels. It was immediately sug- 
gested that it was advisable to remit this sentence because 
he was convicted of crimes less serious than rebellion and 
murder, t Urgent cables were sent to South Africa to satisfy 

* Cd. 5192 and Gd. 5194. 

t Parliamenbftiy Debates, 1909, vol. 1, p. 1576 ; vol. 2, 1909, pp. 738, 743. 

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the aniiety of hononrablB members who feared that the 
imprisomnent might be of a rigorous, or at least imcomfortable, 

The fact that a handful of fellow-aountrymen had to preserve 
their lives and goods amongst a vast African population was as 
usual entirely overlooked. 


Leaving South for West Africa, a Committee of Inquiry into 
the Liquor Trade in Southern Nigeria was appointed in 1909, 
under Sir Mackenzie Chalmers, with the result that the 
allegations, supported in high quarters, against British officers 
and British policy, broke down with ludicrous completeness. 

The views of the group above mentioned received a severe 
check when this Committee reported (1910) that the natives 
of the country had always been alcohol drinkers, that the 
spirits ^imported were of good quality and contained nothing 
of a dangerous character, both the rum and the gin being of 
about the same quality as the better class of spirits sold in 
England, that no deterioration of race had taken place which 
can be attributed to the use of alcohol, that general sobriety 
was a characteristic of the people, that the standard of sobriety 
in Southern Nigeria was higher than that of the United 
Kingdom and compared most favourably with that of other 
colonies inhabited by negro races.'*' So in India the native 
Press is becoming restive under the representations of the 
friends of India in Parliament that her sober population is 
addicted to drink. "It would be impossible to abandon a 
substantial source of revenue. It is not likely that diminu- 
tion of shops will discourage sale. The result is not what 
temperance reformers want or what is beneficial to the people. 
Government only takes more cash out of the pockets of the 
poor, who spend a larger proportion on drink and less on 
food of their small resources." f 

It seems unlikely at present that the British campaign 
against the use of stimulants — by others — ^will succeed. 

_ * Od. 4906, 4907 ; The Ttrnw, June 80, July 7 and 14. 1911. 
t Indian Patriot^ June 19, 1911. 

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A typical instance of the kind of intervention which makes 
the proper conduct of affairs in British possessions increas- 
ingly difficult occurred during the debate in Supply on the 
Colonial Office* in July, 1911. The leader of the Labour 
Party, Mr. Macdonald, attacked the Colonial Secretary for 
curtailing the grazing areas enjoyed, but not exclusively 
enjoyed, by the Masai tribe in the East Africa Protectorate, 
and the local administration for an alleged failure to deal with 
a case in which a native was slain by a white man. The 
Colonial Secretary had no difficulty in repelling the attacks, 
but it is interesting to see the anti-British party in Parliament 
driven to support the extremest rights of landownership, the 
most extensive sporting rights, and general quasi feudal claims 
on behalf of a small tribe of aristocrats who have the use of 
1,300 acres per family as against an average of twenty acres 
enjoyed by the ordinary working agriculturist of East Africa, 
over whom the Masai claim and exercise quasi baronial rights, f 
In Persia the soldier, riever, rover, and swashbucker are 
picturesquely described as blood-drinkers. The Masai literally 
drink blood drawn from their living cattle, hate honest work, 
like any agitator, and are as idle and as rich as any tribesmen, 
to be found in all Africa. Were they white they would be 
held up to everlasting obloquy as tyrannical landlords; but 
the pigmentary privilege avails to secure for them the 
patronage and support of the Labour Socialist party, which 
vigorously denounces privilege in the case of any white man 
and particularly of a fellow-coimtryman. 

Was the Imperial Conpebbnce of 1911 a Success? 


1. The actual results were very small. The Colonial Office put forward 
little or nothing of a constructive character. The proposal for establish- 
ing a Standing Gommittee was half-hearted, and not pressed. { 

* Parliamentary Debates, July 21, 1911. 

t Mr. Grogan, in The Times, July 21, 1911. 

{ Mr. Lyttelton, Parliamentary Debates, July 21, 1911. 

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2. The reference to the Boyal Oommission to be appointed excluded 
Imperial Preference, and did not include in its purview the Grown 
Oolonieg. Thus the most important of all subjects is excluded from 

8. The Home Gbvemment, after receiving the report of the Com- 
mission on the relations between the West Indies and Canada, was 
naturally afraid to give the new Commission a chance to be converted 
in the like manner to Tariff Reform. Co-operation is almost impossible 
in an Empire consisting of a Mother Coantry under Free Trade, and 
Dominions under Protection. 

4. The admission of the Dominions into the Cabinet circle as regards 
questions of foreign policy, though satisfactory, was not due to the 
Government, but to the House of Commons.* 

5. The exclusion of the Crown Colonies from the reference to the 
Boyal Commission is indefensible, seeing that their population is twice 
that of the Dominions. 

6. The introduction into the resolution of the words ** consistent with 
the existing fiscal policy " will allow overtures from the United States to 
Newfoundland and the West Indies, on the lines of the defeated Be- 
ciprocity Agreement. 

7. The important question of co-operation in emigration was left 
unsettled, as was also the question of the sale of liquor to natives. 


1. The results were most satisfactory. If only the new departure be 
considered, in accordance with which the foreign policy of the home 
Qovemment was discussed with the Dominion Prime Ministers. 

2. Cheaper postal and cable rates resulted. 

3. The Government was bound to limit reference to the Boyal Com- 
mission to methods consistent with the existing fiscal policy, being itself 
bound to that system by the results of two successive General Elections. 
The Dominions desired no change which would increase the burdens on 
the poor in England. 

4. The Boyal Commission applies only to the Dominions which were 
represented at the Conference, and could not well be extended to India 
and the Crown Colonies which were not represented. 

5. The existing Secretariat at the Colonial Office, under the arrange- 
ments made by Lord Elgin, admittedly prepared the material for the 
Conference in a perfectly satisfactory manner. 

6. The consultations with the Committee of Defence have been a great 
success, and were of immense value.f 

* See page 156. 

t Mr. Harcourt, Parliamentary Debates, July 21, 1911. 

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Imperiftl OutpoBts. By Oolonel A. M. Murray. 

The Colonies and Imperial Defence. By P. A. Silbnm. 

Yesterday and To-day in Canada. By the Duke of Argyll, K.G. 

Cape Colony. By Bt. Hon. John Xavier Merriman. 

A History of the British Dominions Beyond the Seas. By A. H. Forbes. 

Expansion of England. By Sir J. Seeley. 

The Goyemment of Great Britain. By W. F. Trotter. 

Papers laid before Imperial Conference, 1911.. Cd. 5745. 

Precis of the Proceedings of the Imperial Conference, 1911. Cd. 5741. 

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TEN years ago any man who denied that our existing system 
of free imports was other than the best possible was 
looked upon as a orank, and as one bereft of understanding. 
His views were regarded as eccentric and unworthy of serious 
attention till Mr. Chamberlain took in hand this all-important 
subject, when the impregnability of our fiscal system was soon 
shown to be a snare and a delusion. In less than ten years 
from the beginning of Mr. Chamberlain's campaign conditions 
have so altered that it would be fair to assume the existence 
of a majority in Parliament against Free Trade, if the com- 
plications introduced by other poUtical questions were absent.* 
This position has been achieved in the face of many obstacles. 
Amongst others, the political party advocating Tariff Beform 
was handicapped by having had a long spell of office, which 
had made them unpopular in the country, and the proposed 
changes gave opportunities for misrepresentation, of which 
their opponents could hardly be expected altogether to 
forego the use. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, the 
movement has progressed, and is progressing, to such an extent 
as to keep its opponents in a condition of anxious activity. To 
the necessity of showing that the present fiscal system is not 
incapable of expansion and of proving that under it the condition 
of the people can be improved, may in a great measure be 
attributed the programme of social reform upon which the 
Government of Mr. Asquith has embarked. Whether time 
will show that the burdens which the present administration 

* It is reasonable to assume that the Irish Nationalist Party, if the 
Home Role question conld 1m eliminated, would support a change in our 
fiscal system, from which Ireland certainly has gained nothing. 

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is piling upon the State oannot be borne under the present 
fiscal system is the subject of another chapter.* If such 
burdens prove too great to be borne the "Free Trade** party 
will have killed the " Free Trade ** system as a practical policy, 
just as by their social reform measures they are killing the 
theories upon which their predecessors built up the doctrines 
of ** Free Trade.** 

The Manchesteb School. 

"Free Trade** was logically advocated by the Manchester 
School of Cobden and Bright as part of a policy which re- 
stricted the interference of the State to the smallest possible 
dimensions. With perfect consistency they opposed the 
Factory Acts and Trade Unions, and they would have been 
horrified at such measures as Old Age Pensions, National 
Insurance, and Eight Hours for Miners. 

The social reform programme of the Government is no doubt 
indirectly intended to demonstrate the soundness of our fiscal 
system. Nevertheless it also indirectly assists Tariff Reformers, 
since it accustoms the public mind to State action in all the 
aspects of industrial and commercial life. Adherence to our 
present fiscal system is no longer associated with a general 
belief in the restriction of State action. It becomes a thing 
apart to be justified only by proof of the existence of special 
conditions attaching to the trade of this country. The more 
social reform measures are passed the more insistent will 
become those doubts, which have already invaded the pubHc 
mind, as to the reason of a fiscal system, which leaves un- 
controlled our foreign commercial relations, while conditions 
closely affecting our home trade are minutely regulated by 

State Interference with Industry. 

According to the workmen*s creed Parliament very properly 

insists upon healthy, sanitary labour conditions, and rightly 

sanctions combinations of workers to regulate wages and hours 

of labour. All this is done in the interests of efficiency and 

* See <' Finance and Taxation,'' Chapter XII. 

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fair treatment, but it all means additional expenditure for the 
employer, and increases the cost of production. If, however, 
such restrictions and burdens upon industries are applied all 
round, at home and abroad, no one suffers injury. The cost of 
living continues no doubt to be increased, but wages rule 
higher and general standards are raised. 

Eastbbn Competition. 

The imperfection of our system is seen when manufactures 
which have been produced under these State-regulated condi- 
tions come into competition with manufactures produced with- 
out any artificial increases in cost. The contrast presents 
itself in the acutest form when West competes with East, 
wherein the ruling standards of comfort and the cost of living 
are from the European standpoint so low that wages are 
pitched upon a scale which a Western workman would con- 
sider unthinkable.* Without taking into account the advan- 
tage derived from a protective tariff in an Eastern nation, the 
Western manufacturer is handicapped by higher wages and by 
State restrictions. So far, then, as the Eastern market is con- 
cerned the Western product cannot hope to compete with the 
Eastern manufacture,! and in the neutral markets of the East 
the lower wages paid by the Eastern manufacturer give him 
an immense advantage over his Western competitor. But 
although European industries are bound to be at a disadvan- 
tage in these markets it is difficult to see what can be done to 
place the Western competitor upon a more equal footing. 
Great Britain, of course, is fortunately circumstanced in her 
possession of India, and the falling off in the exportation of 
cotton goods by the former to the latter country in recent 
years is due to the rapid growth of the Japanese cotton industry, 

* In Japan the wages of male textile workers are lO^d. and of female 
textile workers 6|d. a day (Gd. 3727-235, Beport of British Consol- 
General for Japan, 1907, p. 50). 

t The Lanoashire ootton trade was able to overcome the advantage 
which the Indian tariff gave Indian manufacturers only by persuading 
the Government to compel the Government of India to impose a counter- 
Tailing excise duty on the Indian production. 

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which enjoys in the low ruling rate of wages a great advantage 
over the British import. This competition is likely to become 
greater as years go by, since Japan is fast growing as an 
industrial nation. Purely theoretical Free Traders would argue 
that Lancashire should eventually abandon the cotton industry, 
since the natural advantages lie with the Japanese, but 
common sense forbids, and Lancashire is not likely to agree. 
Nevertheless, in order to keep her Indian market, Great Britain 
must sooner or later abandon her present policy. Fortunately 
India has a keen interest in retaining the British market, 
which absorbs large imports of her raw natural products. It 
so happens that itnder our present fiscal system some of these 
products are taxed. What more simple and beneficial arrange- 
ment can be conceived than that Lancashire should receive 
advantages in the Indian market over Japanese and other 
competitors, in return for preferential treatment accorded to 
Indian products on this side? 

Pbotbotion of Labour. 

The more direct question for an industrial population at 
home is the attitude to be adopted in respect of Eastern 
competition in Great Britain, which in a few years is likely 
to be more pressing. Not only Japan, but China'*' also is 
becoming an industrial nation. If their goods were^produced 
here at the rate of wages ruling in those countries organised 
labour would naturally and immediately revolt. What then 
should be done ? Clearly it is impossible to insist upon equal 
rates of wages and similar conditions being imposed upon 
Japanese and Chinese manufacturers. But inasmuch as to 
admit their products freely is to injure our own industries by 
imfair competition, they must be kept out, or only admitted 

* Steel rails are now rolled and pig iron produced in China, and the 
latter product also sent to the United Stales to be rolled. The Chinese 
wages are oiie*fifteenth the rate ruling in the Pittsburg mills, while the 
efficiency of the skilled Chinaman is 90 per cent, of that of the white ix^ml 
See NinetuiUh Cmtwry, November, 1910, p. 918, *<The Theory ol 
Ameriean Protection," by Moreton Frewen, where the effect of the low 
rate of exchange is also discussed in its relation to Chinese competition. 

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under such restrictions as will place them upon an equality 
with our own State-controlled and regulated, and otherwise 
heavily burdened industries. Free Trade, especially that form 
which we possess, the system of " free imports," obviously fails 
to ensure equality of opportunity for home industries and 
home workmen. In theory, at any rate, no Free Trader would 
stir a finger to prevent the importation of low-waged goods, 
but every Trade Unionist would protest against such com- 
petition, if the goods were produced by home manufacturers. 
How then can he tranquilly suffer unfair competition, which 
differs only from that of the home manufacturer in having still 
less claim to protection, in view of its foreign origin ? That is 
the question to be answered. It may be years before it pre- 
sents itself in an insistent and immediate aspect, but whenever 
it does the Trade Unionist who will support Free Trade as 
against Protection will be an interesting survival of a worn- 
out creed. 

Pbophboibb Falbiuxd. 

Although the need for Protection may not appear urgent 
to-day, there are movements in progress in international 
trade which make its eventual adoption inevitable. The 
predictions of Cobden have been falsified by events : we have 
not lost our Dominions : other nations have not adopted Free 
Trade. It would be impossible to deny that Great Britain has 
made great progress under Free Trade, but the foundations 
and earlier developments of her industries date from the days 
of Protection. Oreat Britain had started long before other 
nations. Some were wholly undeveloped when she began, and 
the energies of others were monopolised by war. But Cobden's 
ideal of Britain as the manufacturing nation of the world, to 
which others should be content to supply raw material, and 
from which they should bay our manufactured products, has 
never been, and in the future it is very evident never will be, 

Protection and Dbmogract. 

The workman is being urged to resist Protection on the 
roimd that it means low wages and dear food. With 

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magnificent audaoity Free Importers allege that it would 
reduce wages to a lower level, quite ignoring the fact that in 
other countries wages have increased more rapidly under 
Protection than here under " Free Trade." * The argument 
that Tariff Reform is but a capitalist's selfish scheme for 
getting greater profits, which our workmen, under the entirely 
disinterested leadership of Free Trade millionaires, are too 
wide awake to adopt, assumes that the working classes in all 
other countries are blind to their own interests. The Free 
Traders, however, seek to prove too much. If it were the 
fact that Protection meant low wages and dear food, is it not 
certain that there would long since have been a wholesale 
revolt on the part of democracy against Protection, and an 
irresistible agitation in favour of Free Trade ? But there has 
occurred no such movement ; no worldwide, indeed it may be 
said no national, protest against Protection has arisen. Is it 
then wrong to assume that the workmen in Protected countries 
are content to live under that system ? They are ready enough 
at the present day to agitate against anything they deem 
prejudicial to their interests. 

It may at least be said that if Protection brought about 
undesirable conditions of life and labour, there would be an 
appreciably larger emigration of workmen from Protected to 
Free Trade countries ; and since Great Britain is the only Free 
Trade country of importance, such emigration would for the 
most part move towards our shores. The facts, however, tell 
a different tale. The movement of population is rather from 
Great Britain to Protected countries. Emigration robs us 
annually of over a hundred thousand of the best of our popu- 
lation, and each good emigrant represents a capital loss to 
the nation. While emigration on this scale continues, it is 
impossible to admit that everything is for the best under our 
present fiscal and economic system. 

Free Trade, considered particularly from the workmen's 

* The table on page 275 of Od. 1761, the first Fiscal Blue-book, shows 
that since 1881 wages have risen in the United Kingdom, the United 
StateS) Germany, France and Italy, but that the rise has been greatest in 
protected Germany. 

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point of vieWi reveals itself as the only sumving relic of a 
political dispensation under which he was denied the right of 
regulating his wages, the hours of his labour, and the conditions 
of his employment. Protection is indeed but the natural 
corollary of that modem social legislation, which interferes at 
every point, and on every conceivable occasion, with natural, 
economic, and commercial conditions. 

Who Pays thb Duty? 

The objection taken to the adoption of measures for the 
prevention of unfair competition in the interest of the worker 
is that such action would make *' everything dearer." Trans- 
lating this platform phrase into more precise language, the 
allegation is that Protection would increase the selling price of 
the home article to an amount equal to the cost of the foreign 
article, plus the duty which, for the protection of the home 
manufacturer, would be levied. But though this objection is 
good enough for platform purposes, it has been rejected by 
Free Trade economists.* The argument assumes, moreover, 
that cheapness is the sole consideration. But modern industrial 
legislation has artificially increased, and in every Session 
continues to increase, the cost of production. If cheapness 
only is desired, such legislation is unjustifiable and should be 
repealed. No one, however, least of all no Radical Free Trader, 
urges its repeal. What then is more obviously just than that 
the imported article should be subject to such a duty as will 
raise its selling price to the normal selling-price of the home 
manufactured product. True, the foreign-made article might 
thus be dearer, but it could no longer be cheaper than the 
home-made article because it was produced under labour 

* **It is obvious that oases may arise where it is not true that *the 
tariff is a tax/ in the sense that the whole burden of an import duty 
is necessarily borne by the consumer" (Seligman, "Incidence of Taxa- 
tion," 2nd ed., p. 808). 

" Unlets foreign products are completely excluded by import duties, 
such duties wiU partly have the effect of levying a tribute on foreign 
producers, the amount and duration of which may in certain oases be 
considerable" (Henry Sidgwick, "Principles of PoUtioal Bconomy,"p. 493). 


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conditions rendering free oompetition ineqtutaUe, if not 


The same remarks are of equal application to the case of 
"damping." Foreign-made goods are sold in the home 
market at a price below the cost of production, or, at a 
rate which fails to show an adequate profit. It cannot, of 
course, be disputed that the foreign manufacturer finds it to 
his advantage to sell in this fashion, for, as he is not a philan- 
thropist, but a man of business, he would otherwise discontinue 
the practice. A strong trade combination and a protected 
home market enable his industry to maintain a standard 
price and to calculate upon a certain output, and his establish- 
ment and capital charges are calculated upon this basis. To 
keep works running is often a more advantageous policy than 
to close down or curtail operations as soon as the home 
demand is satisfied. The surplus production is accordingly 
" dumped " in other countries, and our own market being free 
to all, the foreign manufacturer naturally turns his attention to 
the United Kingdom, wherein his surplus goods are sold at a 
price which is lower than that of the home-made. article, since 
they are free in respect of such burdens as establishment and 
capital charges. The advantage to the consumer here lies in 
the cheapness of the article, and Free Traders place that in the 
forefront. The disadvantages are the temporary character of 
the low price, and the dislocation the illegitimate competition 
causes the home industry. Because organisation and combina- 
tion are essential to the successful practice of "dumping," it 
occurs more particularly in highly organised and costly in- 
dustries, such as the iron and steel trades for example, which 
require considerable capital for their development, and employ 
thousands of hands, many in specialised and skilled labour. 

* Adherence to the doctrine of <* freer hnports" leads Free Traders 
into opposition to such a measure as a BiU to prohibit the importation of 
sweated goods (see Parliamentary Debates, May 12, 1911), although they 
supported the Trades Boards Act, the object of whidi is to prevent 
sweating in the United Kingdom. 

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The dislocation of the borne industry is all the more serious 
not only because of the resulting unemployment, but because 
dismissed hands are driven into the overcrowded xmskilled 
labour market, and capital is also discouraged from investment 
in industries which are subject to this form of competition. 
Tariff Reformers are consequently of opinion that the disad- 
vantages considerably outweigh the advantages resulting from 
" dumping." * 

Fbbb Tbadb and ** Tbusts." 

It is, of course, quite beside the point to argue that ** dump- 
ing " is the creation of the ** trust " system, which flourishes 
xmder Protection. As a matter of fact, ** trusts " are not the ex- 
clusive product of Protection, but coexist also with Free Trade. 
We are ourselves living xmder the " trust " system in respect 
of many industries, and such trusts are often of an inter- 
national character, so powerful are those who now control 
our larger trades.t Tariff Reform would at least give the home 
manufacturer fair play as against foreign "trusts" which 
indulge in, what is to us, the pernicious practice of ** dumping." 

The "Double" Mabebt. 

It may be said without fear of contradiction that every 
foreign manufacturer, and every agent in the United Kingdom 
for foreign firms, is enthusiastically in favour of the main- 
tenance of our present fiscal system, which gives our foreign com- 
petitors the advantage of the double market. They monopolise 

* See " Speaker's Handbook," issued by the Tariff Belorm League. 
Chapter xiii. contains extracts from the first Fiscal Blue-book (Gd. 1760) 
relating to ** dumping," and extracts from the evidence of witnesses 
before the Tariff Oommission in respect of the various industries in which 
they are interested. 

t In this country there are the^Ooats Combination, the Portland Cement 
Combine, railway and shipping combines, and many others. There is, in 
^t, a general tendency for indostries limited in number, by reason of the 
immense amount of capital they require, to enter into private arrangements 
to limit or eliminate competition. Suoli protection is only effective in the 
case of industries requiring considerable capital, since that condition pre- 
vents competitort springing up outside the combine. 

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their own home markets upon favourable terms, and also enjoy 
the market of the United Kingdom upon terms of perfect 
equality with our own manufacturers. The German maker 
of a popular article can command a market of 100,000,000 
of people, of whom 60,000,000 are Germans and 40,000,000 
are inhabitants of the United Kingdom. 

On the other hand, the British manufacturer can only calcu- 
late on serving a market of 40,000,000 in the United Khigdom, 
and even therein he is subject to competition from both home 
and foreign rivals. Every one who possesses an elementary 
knowledge of modem industrial production knows that the cost 
of an article is reduced in proportion as the standing charges 
can be spread over a large output. The larger the output the 
less the proportion of the standing charges which each article 
has to bear. Consequently the home manufacturer finds him- 
self, under existing circumstances, severely handicapped by 
reason of the limited market he possesses in comparison with 
that which his foreign competitor commands. 


Here Tariff Reform provides a remedy. It recognises the 
value of our market to the foreign manufacturer, but proposes 
only to allow him to enjoy it in proportion to the freedom he 
is prepared to concede to British goods in respect of his own 
market. The proposal involves the adoption of direct negotia- 
tion with other coimtries in regard to trade matters, such as 
are now undertaken by other nations. Commercial treaties of 
this character are in fact in a small way concluded even by 
Great Britain. With Japan, for instance, quite recently a fiscal 
arrangement was made."*" 


The argument of Free Traders is that under the "most- 
favoured nation'' clause Great Britain enjoys the advantages 

* Od. 6566 of 1911. The most interesting pzoyision is that which, in 
Article 8, provides that certain articles of Japanese manofactore, none of 
which are at present taxed, shaU be admitted into the United Kingdam 
free of duty. That the danse should have been inserted is evidence that 
the Japanese Gk>Temment at least contem pl a t es as probable the ultimate 
triumph of Tariff Reform. 

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o! (he oonoessions made to other nations without the troaUe 
of conducting prolonged, difficult, and delicate negotiations. 
In theory the arrangement is perfect ; but in practice it does 
not work. Certain nations do not recognise the ' ' most favoured " 
clause,* and in the case of others the complications of modem 
tariffs also tend to minimise and often to destroy the advan- 
tages in theory attained by the provision. Foreign countries 
directly concerned in negotiations naturally select for oonoes- 
sions those articles in which they are most interested, and 
sometimes the addition of a proviso limits the concession and 
effectively excludes Great Britain. An example of this is 
afforded by the clause in the Russo-German Treaty of 1894 
by which a reduction was obtained upon imports of coal into 
Russia, to which was attached a condition that such reduction 
applied only to coal imported by land, which destroyed its 
value so far as Great Britain is concerned. Again, while 
40 per cent, of Swiss, and 50 per cent, of Austrian, goods obtain 
special rates on import into Germany, only 15 per cent, of 
British imports benefit by the " most-favoured nation " clause. 
So while British imports into France, Germany, the United 
States, Austria, Italy, and Japan amount to £150,000,000, of 
which £95,000,000 is represented by dutiable goods, lower 
rates under the ''most-favoured nation" clause are only 
secured on £28,000,000. And, of course, where the foreign 
tariff especially affects British goods, such as cottons under 
the new Japanese tariff, no bargaining between other countries 
can bring relief. It is admitted by Free Traders that foreign 
tariffs injure our trade ; t but so long as the present fiscal 
system continues Great Britain cannot hope to obtain the 

* Portugal, Brazil, and Haiti give special redactions on certain articles, 
and limit them to certain countries. The United States gives preferential 
treatment to Ouba ; and apparently intended to limit the concessions 
offered to Canada to Canadian imports. See Tariff Commission 
Memoranda, 4S and 45. 

t *< When Mr. Chamberlain first raised the point, in the year 1903, the 
trade to protected countries had gone down very seriously. It is no use 
shutting our eyes to the fact that it was due, of course, to the imposition 
of tariffs against our goods" (Mr. Lloyd George, M.P., Colonial Conference, 

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concessions secured by foreign ooxmtries. While Tariff 
Reformers would use a British tariff to secure concessions. 
Free Traders declare that the adoption of Protection would 
do more harm to British industries than is, or can be, effected 
by foreign tariffs. 

The "Evils" of Pbotbction. 

They warn the country against the snares of Protection. 
Entirely ignoring the fact that Protectionist countries have 
altogether failed to show those sorry symptoms which they 
declare would appear here if the same fiscal system were 
adopted, they go on preaching the creed of laisser /aire, 
which they have ceased to practise in respect of every other 
aspect of industrial and public life. They are reformers of 
everything except that which from the nature of things, and 
from the yearly increasing stress of competition, stands most 
in need of reform. 

The port of London under Protection, they say, will be 
deserted by shipping. But how can they explain the in- 
creasing tonnage of ports of Protectionist countries? 

Wages, they assert, will be lower ; but there is no attempt to 
explain the more rapid increase in Protectionist countries of 
wages already at a higher level than rules among ourselves.* 

Unemployment, they say, will be augmented. But there is 
an entire absence of statistical material for comparison with 
unemployment in other countries. What evidence is available 
is to the effect that Free Trade fails to secure such steadiness 
of employment as Protectionist countries enjoy. 


But the trump card of the Free Trade orator is " Every- 
thing will be dearer under Protection." The Manchester 
School were interested in cheap food, not only on general 
grounds, but also particularly as manufacturers, and they 
believed that cheap food meant low wages. Nor did they err 
in their generation, but the worker of to-day has to face the 

* See Gd. 1761, p. 275, and the ^oard of Trade Reports on the cost of 
living in Germany (Od. 40S2) and the United States (Od. fi069). 

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facts that the price of food and the cost of living have increased 
out of all proportion to the rise of wages experienced in Great 
Britain under Free Trade."*" No doubt a decrease in the price 
of many articles of food in Great Britain followed upon the 
abandonment of Protection. But it would be hardly main- 
tained that such decrease was occasioned by the adoption of 
Free Trade, and subsequently prices have generally risen 
imtil they rule, in respect of many articles, considerably 
above those which obtained before the epoch of Free Trade,t 
which has indeed completely failed to provide cheap food, and 
has not enabled industries to show a rate of development equal 
to that of Protectionist countries. 

Impbbul Pbbfbbbnob. 

While TarifiF Reformers urge the adoption of some modified 
form of Protection as the only method of obtaining fair con- 
ditions for home manufacturers in home markets, and of 
mitigating in some degree the injury which foreign tarifEs 
inflict on our export trade, they are convinced that greater 
benefits will be obtained by the introduction of Imperial 
Preference. So far as the reduction of foreign tarifb is con- 
cerned, they believe that the adoption of a settied policy of 
Protection by foreign coxmtries will render impossible any very 
wide opening of foreign markets to competing productions of 
British manufacture, though they hold that access to the 
British market, when it becomes a matter for arrangement and 
ceases to be a matter of course, will be a powerful factor in 
negotiation, and cannot but exercise considerable influence 
upon the attitude of foreign Powers. 

Their markets, however, are already well provided, and are 
not to any very considerable extent capable of expansion. 

* <* During the last fifteen years, according to the returns of the Board 
of Trade, wages had increased 18 per cent., while the retail price of food 
had increased 18 per cent. In other words the working classes were to-day 
receiving fewer commodities in return for their labour than they received 
fifteen years ago " (Mr. Ohiozsa Money, M.P., House of Oommons, April 26, 

t This applies to butter, beef, mutton, and pork, 

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Just as a tradesman wishing to increase his prosperity mnst 
extend the circle of his clientSi so nations must ever be on the 
look out for new customers. These they find in the neutral 
markets of the world, where industries are as yet undeveloped, 
and in those fresh fields wherein the population is increasing 
and is still largely engaged in agricultural pursuits. Such 
conditions exist in many portions of the British Empire, in 
which is manifested a natural predisposition to use British 
manufactures ; and Tariff Reformers argue that Great Britain 
should find her new customers preferably in these directions 
by means of mutual agreements to arrange special terms for 
one another's products. 

Expanding Colonial Mabkbts. 

The ideal arrangement would, no doubt, be that of Cobden, 
that Great Britain should be the manufacturing centre to 
which others should supply food and raw material. But no 
one imagines that this ideal can be attained. Although British 
Dominions may be predominantly agricultural, they never- 
theless possess industries which could not reasonably be 
expected to agree to be placed in a position of inferiority in 
comparison with that occupied by British manufacturers. 
But since the markets under consideration are expanding, and 
the Colonial industries cannot meet the demand, what more 
common-sense policy can be suggested than that Great Britain 
should take advantage of a natural disposition to prefer 
British goods by concluding a mutual preference agreement, 
one party selling on favourable terms that which the other 
desires to buy ? But reasonable though this proposition would 
be allowed to be in respect of individual industrial organisa- 
tions, it was no sooner suggested as a State policy than it was 
attacked with the utmost vigour and denounced — not merely as 
bad from an economic point of view, but impossible and 
unpardonable, if not unpatriotic in character. 

The **Dbab Loaf" Cbt. 

The opponents of Imperial Preference concentrate their 
attack upon the fact, as they hold it to be, that this policy 

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iavolves the imposition of duties upon articles of food and 
drink. " Your food will cost you more," " Tariff Reform means 
the little loaf/' " Stick to Free Trade and the big loaf," are 
examples of election cries of considerable value, which have 
been used to the utmost extent. It is impossible to exaggerate 
the influence they necessarily exerted upon the poorer, less 
educated, and slow-thinking masses of the electorate at the 
beginning of the fight between Free Imports and Tariff Reform. 
It says much for the intelligence of even the humblest voters 
that in spite of such strong persuasion and pressure upon a 
question in which their interest is vital, so many of them 
should be ready to disregard the warnings of the Free Traders, 
and to express their adherence to the doctrines of Tariff Reform. 
Indeed, as the education of the electorate on the question pro- 
gresses these electioneering cries and catchwords lose their 

The rise which has occurred in late years in the price of 
food has done much to discredit the cry of '< Free Trade and 
the cheap loaf," and the elementary economic laws which 
govern supply, demand, and price are being more generally 
appreciated, to the undoing of the preachers of the Free Trade 
gospel. Articles of food, moreover, are, as is now becoming 
known, already taxed, and in such fashion as must necessarily 
raise the price to the consumer, for the taxed articles are neces- 
sities, while luxuries for the most part are untaxed. The exist- 
ing imposts on food are susceptible, however, of readjustment, so 
that while the total burden of food taxes shall not be increased, 
the most desirable object of promoting Imperial trade relations 
shall be attained. The potential connection between food taxes 
and Tariff Reform obscures the actual food taxes levied under 
Free Trade, and offers no small obstacle to the success of the 
former policy. It also affords opponents with a most powerful 
weapon of misrepresentation. Nevertheless, a dawning sense 
of perspective may be discerned upon the political horizon. 
The platform allegation of the Free Traders that ** the Tories 
want to make food dearer " attributes to that party so fatal a 
policy that electors upon reflection decline to credit even their 
adversaries with such folly. What public men desiring to 

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seoore the majority necessary to enable them to give effect to 
their policy would handicap themselves with a proposal to 
make food dearer? And what party, having acquired a 
majority, would exist for a day, if it attempted to put that 
policy into effect ? i 

The most effective argument against Tariff Reform would be 
disproof of its advantage to British industry, which, however. 
Free Traders have not seen their way to supply. Indeed, their 
leaders have admitted that such preference as British Dominions 
actually give to Great Britain has been of great advantage to 
British industries.* 

Thb Need fob Immediate Action. 

Tariff Reformers fear that when Imperial Preference is 
sanctioned, as they have no doubt it will be, such sanction 
will come too late to allow of its full benefits being reaped 
by the country. The Reciprocity Agreement between the 
United States and Canada was in a fair way to become an 
accomplished fact, an arrangement which must have had an 
immediate and prejudicial effect upon British imports into 
Canada, by reason of the reduction in the preference upon 
British goods which it would have entailed. But upon British 
trade in general the future effect could only have been dis- 
astrous of an agreement providing for the greater interchange of 
goods between the United States and Canada, and diverting to 
North and South the existing trend of trade from East to West. 

Canada, possessing vast natural resources — timber, ore, and 
wheat — ^would have found a ready market in the adjacent 
States of the Union, and the Tariff Reformers' policy of direct- 
ing the export of these natural products to Great Britain would 
have been made more difficult of attainment. Especially was 
Great Britain likely to suffer in respect of her wheat supply. 

* '* As regards the Oanadian tariff, I acknowledge that it has been bene- 
ficial to British trade, and particularly, I think, to our textile industries " 
(Mr. Asquith, M.P., Colonial Conference, 1907, Cd. 3523, p. 312). 

** The Canadian Preferential Tariff has produced a marked effect on our 
export trade to Canada. It has undoubtedly stimulated trade between the 
two countries" (Mr. Lloyd George, M.P., Colonial Conference, 1907, 
Cd. 8523, p. 886). 

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Indeed, it was openly avowed in the press of the United States 
that the estabUshment of Reciprocity would destroy the pros- 
pects of British Imperial Preference, and of the commercial 
imion of the British Empire, at least so far as Canada is con- 
cerned, while some American statesmen have not hesitated to 
express the belief that the Reciprocity proposals would prove 
to be but the prelude to poUtical union. 

Obbat Bbitain and the Canadian Agbbbmbnt. 

But Canada first made an offer to Great Britain, and the 
British Government would have none of it ; and it is certain 
that she would not have entertained proposals from the United 
States, if a more favourable reception had been accorded to the 
policy of Imperial Preference in Great Britain. 

Offers like that of America may some day be made in 
South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and India, valuable and 
growing markets for manufactured goods, which seek outlets 
for their food products and raw materials. If Great Britain 
shows no signs of abandoning her present fiscal system, which 
rigidly excludes Imperial Preference, would surprise be felt if 
such advances were entertained, however strong might be 
natural inclination towards Imperial Reciprocity? 

Abgumbnts Fob and Against Tabiff Rbfobm. 

1. In oonsequence of the indostrial competition of other nations, our 
present system of free imports fails to secure fair treatment for British 

2. It was adopted In the helief that other nations would follow our 
example, and that Great Britain would he the manufacturing nation of 
the world, to which other countries would send their raw materials. 

8. This expectation has not been fulfilled ; other nations manufacture 
for themselves under the advantage of protective duties, and also invade 
the British market free of all restriction. Free imports have injured 
the greatest of all our industries, agriculture, notwithstanding the 
opinions to the contrary held when the system was adopted. 

4. Foreign nations are given the advantage of the ** double market/' 
and are i^ble to ** dump " their surplus products here at low rates, to the 
disadvantage of our manufacturers. 

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5. Tarifi Befonn is therefore necessary to prevent unfair foreign compe- 
tition in British markets. 

6. It is also necessary to enable Great Britain to obtain reductions in 
foreign import tariffs upon her own exports. 

7. The '* most-favoured nation '' clause, while it purports to give British 
goods the advantages gained by the bargaining of foreign nations, is 
seldom effectual and quite useless when the concessions obtained by such 
nations are inapplicable to British manufactures. 

8. The immense volume and comprehensive character of our export 
trade make it imperative that Great Britain should enter into negotia- 
tions with foreign nations on her own account, especially as she has a 
valuable home market in which in return to give concessions. 

9. The Great Powers — Germany and the United States— celling Great 
Britain more than they buy, would readily grant valuable concessions 
rather than lose the British market. 

10. A tariff is also necessary for revenue purposes to meet the increasing 
cost of government. 

11. So long as the duties are low there is no reason to assume that they 
will artificially increase prices, since the competition between the untaxed 
and the taxed article will keep down the price. 

12. Tariff Reform does not propose to discourage foreign imports, but 
only to regulate their character, so that the maximum of employment 
may be given to British hands in supplying the British nation with its 

13. Tariff Reform is a much wider policy than Protection. The latter 
is concerned with protecting the home market from foreign competition : 
the former also seeks to extend our export trade by obtaining for it 
advantages in new and growing markets. 

14. The most important of these markets are our British Dominions 
and India, which have vast natural resources, export much food and raw 
material, and import manufactured goods. 

15. The Dominions have already given practical effect to the policy of 
Imperial Preference by reducing their tariffs for British goods. 

16. Even Free Traders have admitted that this preference has been 
greatly to the advantage of British manufacturers. 

17. Tariff Reformers desire to establish the policy of Preference upon 
a permanent and reciprocal basis, by granting concessions to Colonial and 
Indian imports in our home market. 

18. This policy is opposed by Free Traders because it involves a tax on 
food, which may, or will, to a slight degree raise the price of particular 
articles of consumption. But food is already taxed and made dearer by 
such taxation, and Tariff Reformers propose only to readjust the present 
food taxes, so that they may, without increasing the aggregate burden, be 
enabled to grant Imperial Preference. 

19. Food prices have everywhere risen throughout the world. It is 

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necessary for a nation such as ours, which cannot feed itself, to have a 
caU upon food suppUes elsewhere, and this desirable end is attained by 
Imperial Preference. 

do. Free Trade did not bring cheap food, which resulted from the 
development of wheat-growing areas, and the reduction of the cost of 

21. Free Trade cannot keep food cheap, for it has increased in price in 
recent years, and some articles of food are even dearer to-day than they 
were before the policy of free imports was adopted. 

22. Imperial Preference will not bring dear food ; it will, on the 
contrary, widen, ensure, and so eventually cheapen, our food supply. 

28. It is therefore beside the point to argue from the analogy of other 
countries, which have adopted a high tariff policy to protect home-grown 

24. Even in those countries, however, there is nothing to show that 
their tariffs have increased prices, the causes affecting prices being 
complex, comprehensive, and so far incompletely ascertained. 

25. Though the taxation of food may be unpopular, as all taxation is, 
it should be accepted when it brings employment, increased wages, and 
prosperity to a manufacturing nation. 

26. So far as the exports of our manufactured goods are concerned, the 
high tariffs of other nations will prevent any great expansion in that 

27. Neutral markets are being gradually closed, and are at any rate the 
scene of severe competition between rival nations. 

28. Growing markets are to be found in our Dominions, and they are 
willing, if the favour be reciprocated, to give British better terms than 
foreign goods. 

29. Acceptance of their offers and reciprocation would mean a greater 
demand for our goods, and consequently an increase in employment and 

80. Other nations are well aware of the value of these markets, and are 
anxious to enter into reciprocal trade relations with our Dominions. 

81. The late Gk>vemment.of Canada had, in fact, already negotiated to 
this end with the United States, an agreement which, had the country 
sanctioned it, would have done great injury to British trade. 

82. Although our Dominions would rather enter into preferential 
relations with Great Britain, they cannot, notwithstanding the splendid 
example of Canada, be expected for all time to refrain from entertaining 
the proposals of other nations, if their own Mother Country rejects their 

88. The protection of home labour — the chief feature of the policy of 
Protectionist countries — ^is only one feature of the policy of Tariff Reform. 

84. But it will benefit the working classes, since in Protectionist countries 
wages have risen more rapidly than here, employment is steadier, hours of 

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labour are being reduced, the cost of living, upon the whole, is not 
greater, and, in the United States at any rate, a considerably higher 
standard of living obtains. 

85. In spite of Free Trade, some 30 per cent, of our population are 
estimated by Free Traders to be below the line of poverty and hunger. 

36. Vast numbers of our workers still suffer from very low wages and 
irregular employment. 


1. Free imports ensure cheap food and raw materials, and have 
brought about a greatly improved standard of living for the British 
people ; the improvement which has been effected may fairly be ascribed 
to this cause. 

2. Though our imports are of greater value than our escports, the 
excess represents interest on investments and the earnings of our 

3. If imports are curtailed our shipping trade will be injured and our 
exports reduced. 

4. Particular British industries may have declined under the free 
imports policy, but others have arisen; the same change goes on in 
every country, whether its policy be Free Trade or Protection. 

6. An import duty on woollen goods, for example, if sufficiently high, 
might keep out the foreigner, but since his products are imported as pay- 
ment for goods sold to him, a corresponding decrease in our own aggregate 
sales would result, which could only cause increased unemployment. 

6. Protection of woollen goods would also mean an increase in the 
home prices, and the people would be clothed less satisfactorily than 

7. In the long run imports are goods which we cannot make so well 
as the foreigner, or being able to use our labour to better advantage, do not 
care to make. 

8. As a matter of fact the larger a country's imports the greater its 
prosperity, since their volume shows that the maximum of workers are 
employed manufacturing goods for export in payment for the imports. 
« The countries which import more than they export are for the most part 
those in which the industrial revolution has been carried far, and which 
have surplus capital to lend.'' * 

9. Moderate duties would not satisfy the Protectionists, since they 
would not create higher prices, or keep out foreign goods so as to give 
more employment. 

10. Nobody has ever succeeded in taxing the foreigner ; in the end it is 
the consumer who pays. 

' The Economic Transition in India," by Sir Theodore Morison, p. 204. 


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11. Tariff Beform and Profeeoldon are praotioallj identical, and the 
latter has. been tried in this oonntry and abandoned becanse it failed to 
bring progress and prosperity. 

12. Protection days were those of dear food, nnemployment, and 
misery, which TarifE Beform would restore. 

18. Under Free Trade oar industries have experienced remarkable 
development, food is cheap, employment is relatively steady, and wages 
have risen, as well as the standard of living among the working classes. 

14. Investigation into the conditions of the working classes in foreign 
countries shows that under Protection such are in every way inferior to 
those of our own workers under Free Trade. 

15. A policy of free imports is best for an industrial ootrntry like 
Great Britain, dependent for its prosperity and for its life upon the 
importation of raw materials and food supplies. 

16. That policy discourages the establishment of ** trusts" for regu- 
lating prices, wMch accompany Protection, and are so injurious to the 
prosperity of the working classes. 

17. It also renders difficult tariff-mongering, and other scandals of 
Protection which engender corruption in public life. 

18. It gives British trade through the most-favoured nation clause all 
the advantages attained by Protectionist countries only after pro- 
longed and deUcate negotiations, which sometimes end in their case in 
disastrous tariff wars. 

19. ** Dumping'* is not a serious evil in Great Britain, since the 
** dumper '* must make use of a market open to competition from the whole 

20. Protection to the extent to which it keeps out foreign goods fails to 
raise any revenue. 

21. Again, to the extent to which it raises revenue, it fails in its Pro- 
tective aims, while such revenue as it collects is raised in a wasteful and 
uneconomic fashion. 

22. Under our present system the Treasury obtains as revenue all the 
increased price resulting from the duty, but under Tariff Beform, although 
only the foreign article would be taxed, the price of the home-made article 
would be increased by the amount of that tax. 

28. The burden on the consumer would therefore be out of all propor- 
tion to the gain to the Exchequer from the proceeds of the duty. 

24. Dear food is inevitable if Tariff Beform is carried, and if once it is 
established that Imperial Preference is dependent upon taxed food, the 
cause of Imperial unity will suffer the severest of shocks. 

25. To restrict the freedom of our Dominions by trade arrangements 
with Great Britain will not improve the relations between them and the 
Mother (Country. 

26. The true Imperial policy is to give them perfect freedom to carry 
out their own wishes in trade matters, recognising that they have chosen 
once and for aU a different fiscal policy from that of Great Britain. 

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S7. Imperial Preference is unlikely to bring any great benefits to our 
manufacturers, since the Dominion manufacturers will insist upon their 
tariff wall being retained sufficiently high to give them a clear advantage 
in their own markets. 

28. It is impossible to treat each of our Dominions equally and in a 
manner which will prevent friction and discontent between them. 

39. Our trade with foreign countries is larger than our Imperial trade, 
and it would be unwise to moke the smaller interest the pivot of our 
commercial policy. 

80. Foreign countries would retaliate if by Imperial Preference 
advantages denied to them were given to British Dominions. 

81. The duties might be small at first, but they would be gradually 
increased by the pressure of the manufacturing and agricultural interests 
until a system of high Protection was established. 

82. A tariff would be a handicap to many of our industries which 
import wholly or partly manufactured articles, which are finished in the 
United Kingdom. Examples are found in leather and boots. 

33. It is impossible satisfactorily to distinguish between manufactured 
articles and raw materials. 

84. Our escports of manufactures per head of population are greater 
than the exports per head of Germany or the United States ; foreign 
tariffs cannot, therefore, have done much harm to our trade. 


The prominent position occupied by the fiscal controversy is evidenced 
by the existence of many publications on the subject. The literature 
issued by the Tariff Reform League (7, Victoria Street, Westminster, 
S.W.) and the Free Trade Union (25, Victoria Street, S.W.) presents 
each side of the case. Both organisations publish excellent Handbooks ; 
and their monthly publications, Monthly Notes on Tariff Be/orm and The 
Free Trader bring the controversy up to date. The case for Tariff 
Reform as disclosed by the condition of British industries should be 
studied in the Reports and memoranda issued by the Tariff Com- 

Of official publications reference should be made to what are generally 
known as the Fiscal Blue-books — memoranda, statistical tables, and charts 
relating to British and foreign trades and industry — Cd. 1761 of 1903, 
Cd. 2337 of 1904, and Cd. 4954 of 1909. The Board of Trade has also 
issued a series of reports on the cost of living of the working classes in 
certain countries— United Kingdom, Cd. 3864; Germany, Cd. 4082; 
France, Cd. 4512 ; Belgium, Cd. 5065 ; and the United States, Cd. 6609. 
The inquiries cover working-class rents, housing, retail prices, and rates of 
wages in certain occupations and the principal industrial laws in each 
country. Other useful official publications are the monthly and annual 

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trade returns of imports and escports, and the annual statUtioal abstraoii 
for the United Kingdom, the British Empire, and British India. Foreign 
Import Duties and Colonial Import Duties are two Blue-hooks of foreign 
and colonial tariffs published at intervals. A valuable book of statistical 
trade tables is the "British Trade Year Book," by John Holt Schooling. 

Useful publications upon the side of Tariff Reform are '* Economic and 
Fiscal Facts and Fallacies/' by Sir Guildford Molesworth ; " Tariff Reform, 
by Gaptain G. G. Tryon, M.P. ; <* National System of Political Economy," 
by F. List ; ** Trade Policy of Great Britain," by G. J. Fuchs ; <* Funda- 
mental Fallacies of Free Trade," by L. S. Amery, M.P. ; « The Turiff 
Problem," by W. J. Ashley, and <* The Gase A^nst Free Trade," by 
Archdeacon Cunningham. 

Those who desire to study useful abstracts of both sides of the question 
should read *< Tariff Reform or Free Trade," by L. S. Amery, M.P., and 
J. M. Robertson, M.P. 

Of books presenting the case for Free Trade the following can be 
recommended: Lord Farrer, **Free Trade versus Fair Trade"; J. M. 
Robertson, M.P., <* Trade and Tariffs"; <'Mr. Ghamberlain's Facts, 
Figures, and Predictions " ; Dr. T. J. Macnamara, '* Tariff Reform and the 
Working Man"; L. G. Ghiozza Money, M.P., "Elements of the Rsoal 
Problem " and ** Fiscal Dictionary." 


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CONSTITUTIONAL change in many countries is only 
effected after violence and loss of life. In Great Britain 
a revolution has just been accomplished without disturbance, 
almost without notice, certainly without any overt demonstra- 
tions of disapproval, on the part of the people. 

It is doubtful whether in any other country an ancient, and 
by the world at large highly esteemed, Second Chamber and 
Estate of the Beahn could have been extinguished, and its 
influence destroyed without an appeal to force. It is difficult 
to imagine other nations agreeing to an overthrow of the 
Constitution and the establishment of what is practically, and 
for the present actually, single-chamber Government, with- 
out resort to more turbulent methods than parliamentary 
action and discussion. As matters stand in the United 
Kingdom a class, whose members for centuries occupied the 
position of natural leaders, have surrendered their position and 
influence as the result of a threat on the part of their 
opponents to have resort to political or, as Lord Morley not 
obscurely hinted, " social," pressure. 

The Cbbation of Pbbbb and its Effect. 

It is, of course, argued that continued opposition on the 
part of the peers would have been futile, but the Second 
Chamber could only have been coerced by the profuse 
creation of peerages, and the country would by such an 
unprecedented act at least have been brought to appreciate 
the far-reaching character of the Government's proposals. 

In fact, it was called on to witness not only the surrender 
of the peers, but also the spectacle of support afforded to the 


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Parliament Bill by opponents, from whioh it very naturally 
drew the conclusion that the speeches delivered against it 
were only part of the usual Party game, and beiieved that the 
hostile opinions expressed were not strongly and sincerely felt, 
but were no more than the usual partisan utterances, which 
are expected to be highly coloured over-statements of a case. 
By their action, whether or not it was unavoidable, the 
peers have played straight into the hands of the Coalition 
Government, which has all along maintained that the Parlia- 
ment Act was no more than a just and reasonable solution of 
the question, from which no real danger to the Constitution 
was to be apprehended. After the abandonment of their 
opposition by the peers themselves, it is not surprising that 
the country shows an inclination to accept the position of the 
Coalition Government, and to regard the Parliament Act as a 
moderate measure of reform. 

Thb Lbsson to be Leabnt. 

No doubt disillusionment will come with experience of the 
working of the Act, and, so far as the Liberal Party is con- 
cerned, it would be unfortunate, if it were not intentional and 
inevitable, that the first great measure to be passed into law 
under the amended Constitution is a Home Bule Bill. The 
subject arouses violent passions, was never even mentioned 
in their addresses by most of the supporters of the Govern- 
ment at the last election, and owes its foremost position in 
the legislative programme to the fact that the Government of 
Mr. Asquith can only retain office by the favour of Mr. John 
Bedmond and the Irish Nationalist Party. It would certainly 
have been advantageous to the Government if the Parliament 
Act first allowed a passage to measures arousing less political 
hostility, so that the country might gradually and gently 
accustom itself to single-chamber government. 


That this system is established by the Parliament Act is 
vehemently denied by the Liberals, for the good reason that 
no country of any importance has ventured to trust its fortunes 

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to the oare of a single ohamber. But the only differenoe 
between avowed single-ohamber government and the Constitu- 
tion established by the Parliament Act lies in the delay of two 
years before a measure, which has once passed the House of 
Commons, can become law. 

Thb Two Tbabs' Delay a Sham. 

The Coalition Qovernment laid great stress on the value of 
this period of delay. Apparently they regarded it as a time 
during which the opponents of a particular measure would be 
able to rouse the country by a great campaign for the purpose 
of convincing the Qovernment of the day that any particular 
Bill in highly unpopular. Unfortunately for the efficacy of 
this rough-and-ready method there is no guarantee that a 
Government, although convinced of the fact of popular opposi- 
tion, would act upon its convictions. According to the famous 
dictum of the Lord Chancellor in respect of the Licensing 
Bill the fact that a measure is unpopular is not a good reason 
for its rejection. 

Thb Pbimb Ministbb'b Admission. 

The period of delay is therefore a snare and a delusion in 
so far as it obtains for the people opportunities of making 
their will prevail. So much was indeed admitted by Mr. 
Asquith, who argued that if a General Election, by reversing 
the position of parties, showed that the country was opposed 
to the legislation of the previous Government, it was within 
the power of its successor in office to repeal any particular 
measure or measures.* But this is surely at once an insuffi- 
cient, and a dangerous remedy. No doubt, so far as domestio 
legislation is concerned, repeal would be feasible, although it 
would be a deplorable waste of time and energy for succeed- 
ing Governments to devote their attention to repealing the 
enactments of their predecessors. But the Prime Minister's 
solution could afford no possible relief in respect of legislation 
of other than an unimportant character. Under a Disestablish- 

* House of Oommons, February 21, 1911, Parliamentary Debates, 
p. 1716. 

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ment and Disendowment Act, for example, Ghorob property 
would have been sold or applied to other uses, beyond the 
possibility of restoration to its original objeots. A Home Bale 
Parliament in Ireland could not be abolished a few years after 
its establishment except at the risk of open revolt, however 
much the ** predominant partner " might, when an opportunity 
arose, show itself to be opposed to the policy of Home Bule. 
So, also, in respect of all legislation there would be unsettle- 
ment and waste of money and efficiency in making arrange- 
ments liable to more or less speedy alteration. 

The Parliament Act, then, does not secure that the clearly 
and definitely ascertained will of the people shall prevail ; but 
that there shall prevail for the time being the opinion of the 
majority — ^however composed — of the House of Commons; 
the decision of such majority being liable to be reversed by 
any majority which may succeed. 

Only a Half-Mbabubb. 

Just as the Bill fails in its national aspect, so it also fails to 
pro\4de a remedy for the whole Badical grievance against the 
Second Chamber as at present constituted. It succeeds, 
indeed, in so far as it relates to the opposition of the House 
of Lords to the passage of Radical Bills, but it does not touch 
the other Badical complaint to the effect that the House 
of Lords offers no obstacle to the passage by a Unionist 
Government into law of measures for which the latter has 
no popular mandate. It will be remembered that this was the 
chief objection advanced by the Badicals against the Educa- 
tion Act, 1902, and the Licensing Act, 1904. 

Not a Sbttlembnt. 

No doubt whilst the Badicals are in power the other side of 
their case against the House of Lords is the more prominent 
and pressing, but the fact that one-half of their grievance 
is wholly unremedied goes far to countervail the optimism of 
those who regard the Constitutional question as satisfactorily 
settled. The Coalition Government has in fact stopped short of 
dealing with this part of their grievance. They profess to intend 

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to remedy it by establishing, in substitution for the House of 
Lords as at present constituted, '' a Second Chamber on a 
popular instead of an hereditary basis." Of the composition of 
this new Second Chamber, of the date of its establishment^ 
and of the powers it is to enjoy, no authoritatiye information is 
vouchsafed. Whenever it may come into being, it will doubt- 
less be of such a character as will satisfy Radicals of its 
'* impartial" attitude towards Tory legidation. But the 
Radicals are determined themselves to run no risks, and this 
reform promised in the preamble of the Bill is at any rate to 
be postponed until they have passed their own principal 
measures into law without the interference of any Second 
Chamber whatsoever, whether "popular" or "hereditary" 
in character. 

Thb Rbfbbbnduh. 

This determination to subject such measures to no risks 
is further emphasised by the opposition of Mr. Asquith's 
Qovernment to the Referendum, a device which more than 
any other secures that the will of the people shall be ascertained 
on any particular measure without complication and confusion 
of issues. The personal factor — often a matter of the utmost 
importance, especially in rural constituencies — ^is, by its 
adoption, eliminated to a very considerable extent, and the 
verdict can be taken on the Bill and nothing but the Bill. 
The Referendum is particularly applicable in the case of 
measures involving constitutional change, where it is advisable 
to obtain clear and unequivocal support in order to prevent 
frequent amendment.* It would, therefore, be suitable for 
adoption in the case of a measure of Home Rule, which, 

* By the (Dommonwealth of Australia Oonstitution Act, 1900, 
Section 128, the Oonstitution cannot be altered unless the amending 
Bill is passed by an absolute majority of each House and is approved 
after a Referendum, by a majority of the electors voting in a majority of 
the States and by a majority of all the electors. The Referendum must be 
taken not less than two nor more than six months after the passage of a 
Bill through both Houses. In the event of a disagreement between the 
two Houses, the Bill, after failing to pass on a second occasion, may 
be submitted directly to the electors for their decision. 

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while primarily deaUng with an Irish legislature, also inci- 
dentally introduces an entirely new constitution into Great 

Radical " CoQUBTTiNa.** 

Notwithstanding the Unionist proposal to adopt the 
Referendum, with provisions which would ensure its applica- 
tion to important measures, should a Radical minority in the 
House of Commons so desire, the Coalition Government 
declined to entertain the proposal. 

This refusal was all the more remarkable inasmuch as the 
Radicals at any rate had, to use the Prime Minister's word, 
''coquetted" with the Referendum on previous occasions. 
Indeed, quotations from Mr. Asquith's own speeches would 
justify the use of a more compromising expression."^ Mr. 
Asquith's Government, however, would not agree to the in- 
sertion of a Referendum clause in the Parliament Bill. They 
declared that it was a system entirely foreign to our method of 
Government, and that its use would detract from the dignity and 
power of the House of Commons. These objections, however, 
assume that the majority in the House of Commons represents 
a majority of the nation, a supposition, which with the existing 
distribution of seats is entirely unjustified, and that the House 
of Commons will never take any action which is not clearly 
approved by the people, and within the mandate it has received 
at the General Election. 

Instability of Legislation. 

Neither party would, however, agree that this condition was 
properly fulfilled in respect of its opponents ; and minorities 
in the future will certainly be more disposed than in the 
past to deny the moral binding force of laws which they 

* "I admit that, spaakiiig on Sir Henry GampbeU-Bannerman's 
Besolution three years ago, I have coquetted with the Referendum, and I 
say quite distinctly that I reserve the question of the appropriateness and 
the practicability of what is caUed the Referendum as possibly the least 
objectionable means of tm^ng the knot in some extreme and exceptional 
constitutional entanglements" (Mr. Asquith, House of Commons, 
March 39, 1910, ParUamentary Debates, p. 1173). 

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believe lo have been passed without a mandate.* The 
Beferendam would have prevented this development, which 
must seriously impair the authority alike of legislation and 
administration. The objection that the Referendum would 
only be applied to Radical legislation, since the House of 
Lords always acquiesces in that of the Conservatives, is easily 
met by empowering a substantial minority of the House 
of Commons to demand a Referendum in respect of measures 
of a defined class or character. 

While it is true that the Referendum is so far unknown to 
our Constitution, it is not an untried or novel device, being 
used in other countries in Europe, and in so democratic a 
Commonwealth as Australia. If the Australians consider the 
approval of two chambers and resort to the Referendum to be 
necessary before changes can be made in their Constitution, 
surely it requires no proof that the United Kingdom, with its 
immeasurably larger and wider interests, is running a great 
and unjustifiable risk in placing it within the power of a 
temporary majority of the House of Commons — however 
small or however obtained — to make whatever alterations in 
the Constitution it may, for more or less creditable reasons, 
desire to bring about, without first appealing to the country. 

Thb Reform of the House of Lords. 

It is true that the Government of Mr. Asquith proposes, 
or professes to propose, to establish a new Second Chamber 
at some unspecified date. Such Chamber is to rest upon 
a popular instead of an hereditary basis ; but no one knows 
whether the term "popular" implies election, or nomina- 
tion, or a combination of both methods. This much may, 
however, be freely predicted of the new Second Chamber, 
that it will enjoy the confidence, support, and respect of no 
party in the State. Let it be so *' impartial** as to reject or 
hold up Radical legislation, and its authors will, without 

* JuBt as a section of the Radical Party protested that they were not 
bound by the Education Act of 1902. The policy of <* passive resistance/' if 
adopted in a sufficiently complete and comprehensive fashion, can avail 
to make the enforcement of any Act impossible. 

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hesitation, demand an amendment of its constitution, since it 
is but a thing of their own creation. 

It cannot, in any case in its earlier years, hope to possess the 
support of the Unionists, for they will naturally regard it as a 
conmiittee of the Badical Party, however much its partisan- 
ship may be leavened by the admission of an infusion of 
** impartial " senators. 

Paticent of Mbmbbbs. 

Our Constitution then has with the passing of the Parlia- 
ment Act only entered upon a period of change. The end is 
far distant ; and the ultimate solution defies conjecture. But 
it is none the less a significant sign of the times that the first 
important action of the House of Commons after the passing 
of the Parliament Bill was to vote its Members salaries of 
£400 a year. 

Not less noteworthy than the fact itself was the method by 
which it was effected. A change of the most far-reaching and 
novel character, the appropriation of public money to private 
advantage, was brought about by a simple retrospective 
resolution of the House of Commons lest the public conscience 
should be affirontedby the revelations attending the passage of 

The payment of members of Parliament introduces an 
entirely new principle into our system of Government. The 
tradition of gratuitous public service vanishes, and its place is 
taken by the new principle of payment. It may be argued 
that the salary is small in comparison with the services 
rendered. But unless the British House of Commons displays 
a self-denial which has not distinguished other legislative 
assemblies, there seems little reason to believe that the amount 
our legislators have now voted themselves will not be 
considerably increased at some subsequent date. 

Bbpayment of Expenses. 

Indeed, at its present amount, the salary voted is alleged to 
represent not pajrment for services rendered, but merely a 
grant towards the out-of-pocket expenses incurred by members 

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of Parliament in their public capacity. Thi& explanation runs 
somewhat counter to the intention of Mr. Asquith's Goyem- 
ment to make pajrment of members a substitute for the 
salaries drawn by Labour Members of Parliament from Trades 
Unions prior to the date of the Osborne Judgment, which 
declared such application of Union funds to be illegal But it 
tended to minimise the objections of those who were opposed 
to the payment of a salary, but were in favour of the reim- 
bursement of expenses. 

The rejection by the Labour Party of the State pajrment of 
members by way of an alternative to legislation reversing the 
law as interpreted by the Osborne Judgment, induced the 
Badical Party to favour the theory that payment of members 
is only a recoupment of expenses incurred. But the payment 
of the same amount to each member effectively disposes of 
any such argument. To pay a member representing a small 
and adjacent, the same amoimt as is received by the 
representative of a large and remote, constituency is to ignore 
all the essential factors of the problem. While one member 
may profit, the expenses of another may considerably exceed 
the £400 placed to his credit by the State. 

The opinion is indeed widely held that the payment by the 
State of returning officers' fees at elections^ and of the expenses 
incurred by a member in visiting his constituency is perfectly 
justifiable. Repayment of the amount actually expended on 
this account is not open to the same objection as the provision 
of a fixed salary, since there can be no possibility of gain by 
a member at the cost of the taxpayer, but only of payment of 
out-of-pocket expenses. 

The attitude of the Unionist Party in respect of this 
matter has not been one of unyielding opposition, and sug- 
gestions were made from their benches for the repayment of 
actual official election and travelling expenses, while strong 
opposition was offered to forcing salaries alike on the group 
of members, in order to placate which the new policy was 
adopted, and upon others, whose equal pride and pleasure it 
was, and is, to serve the State to the utmost of their ability 
as a privilege and not for payment. 

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Unionist PiiAns of Bbfobh. 

So in respect of the constitutional crisis the Unionist Party, 
abandoning its defence of the House of Lords as it was, put 
forward a plan for the reconstruction of that House, and for 
an ultimate appeal by Bef erendum to the people on exceptional 
occasions of national importance. Their attitude, no less 
than that of their adversaries, was revolutionary, since they 
entirely accepted the principal Radical contention to the 
effect that a seat in the House of Lords ought not to be a 
matter of mere hereditary right.'*' Indeed, the plan put for- 
^ward by the official leaders of the Party introduced novel 
elements of selection and election from outside, f But this 
proposal failed to satisfy their opponents, who professed and 
preferred to see in the reconstructed House of Lords a 
smaller, but still an, obstacle to the free passage of Liberal 
legislation. Whether, with the certainty that their scheme 
would not be accepted by their opponents, the Unionist Party 
would not have been wiser to boldly defend the existing House 
of Lords with all its imperfections, is a question which it is 
now futile to discuss, but it is certainly matter for regret that 
the Unionist leaders did not during their long tenure of 
power reform and readjust the balance of parties in that 
House. The preponderating Unionist element in the 
Second Chamber, although it has not been brought about as 
the result of deliberate packing by the Unionist Party but by 
constant conversions to Conservatism on the part of holders 

* « That a necessary preliminary of such reform and reoonstitution is 
the aoceptance of the principle that the possession of a peerage should 
no longer of itself give the right to site and vote in the House of Lords '' 
(Lord Bosebery's Third Besolution). 

t See Lord Lansdowne*s House of Lords Reconstitation Bill, No. 75 
of 1911. According to the Memorandum attached to the Bill, the House 
of liords as reconstituted would contain rather less than 850 members, 
composed as follows : 100 elected by hereditary Peers from among their 
number who were qualified ; 120 to be elected for electoral districts by 
electoral colleges composed of members of the House of Gommons for 
constituencies within each electoral district ; 100 appointed by the King 
on the advice of the Ministers in proportion to the strength of parties in 
the House of Gommons ; 7 bishops and 16 Judicial Peers. 

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of peerages created by the Radical Party, undoubtedly, and 
not unnaturally, gave rise to a feeling on the part of Radicals 
that their measures could not be expected to receive impartial 
consideration from the House of Lords as formerly constituted. 

Thb Lobds and Libbbal Bills. 

This impression has been entirely confirmed, in their opinion, 
by the action of the House of Lords in respect of Radical legis- 
lation. While that House passed without amendment, or with 
amendments subsequently accepted by the House of Conmions, 
no less than 269 Bills, and only rejected, or amended beyond 
agreement, eight measures "^ in the five years ending December, 
1910, those which failed to pass were the principal legislative 
schemes of the Radical Party.'*' Any peer classed as Unionist, 
however much his votes might in his own mind be governed 
by the demerits of the measures in question and not by party 
considerations, was regarded as having deliberately contributed 
to the wanton destruction of Radical Bills. 

This attitude of the Upper House was contrasted with the 
absence of opposition in respect of Unionist measures, and 
the cry from the Radicals for more equal conditions became 
insistent and universal. The most statesmanlike course would 
probably have been to reform the House of Lords by delegating 
its powers to representatives of the existing hereditary peerage* 
whose actions would be entirely removed from any suspicion 
of party considerations. But such a reform would not have 
given the Radicals any certainty or guarantee that their 
measures, once they passed the House of Commons, would 
become law. They did not desire that any other body, how- 
ever impartially composed, should have the power of rejecting 
or amending their Bills. Hence they adopted the policy which 
once and for all placed it beyond the power of the Second 
Chamber to obstruct. And the result is that Qreat Britain, 
alone of Great Powers, is now governed by a single chamber, 

* The Sdacation BiU, 1906 ; Plural Voting Bill, 1906; Soottiah SmaU 
HolcUngs Bill, 1907 and 1908 ; Scottish Land Values BiU, 1907 and 1908 ; 
Licensing Bill, 1908; London Elections Bill, 1908; Scottish House Letting 
BUI, 1909; Oounty Courts BiU, 1909. 

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with no immediate prospect, at any rate, of the reconstitution 
of the House of Lords on a satisfactory basis. 

Aboumbntb Fob and Aqainst thb Pabliambnt Act. 


1. It secures that the will of the people, as expressed by their representa- 
tives in the House of Commons, shall prevaiL 

2. It gives the House of Oommons the last word in respect of general 
legislation, and properly denies to the House of Lords any word in respect 
of finance. 

8. It properly removes from the House of Lords — a body representing 
none but themselves —the absolute veto over legislation. 

4. Since it is an obvious anachronism that an hereditary body should 
continue to exercise this power in a democratic State the veto had to go, 
just as the veto of the Grown has already gone, in order that the country 
should enjoy a free and really democratic system of government. 

5. Such reform has, moreover, been rendered necessary by the par- 
tisan actions in respect of legislation of the House of Lords, which 
rejected and mutilated the most important Liberal measures, but never 
placed obstacles in the way of passing any Tory Bills. 

6. The Act not only abolishes the power of the permanent Tory 
majority in the House of Lords to reject Liberal legislation, but for 
the first time accords equally favourable conditions to the measures of 
all parties. 

7. It does not introduce single-chamber government, since measures 
must pass the House of Commons three times, and in a period of not less 
than two years, before they can become law without the concurrence of 
the House of Lords. 

8. This period of delay is sufficient to secure revision of any measure, 
or even to prevent it from becoming law, if opposition develops to an 
extent which shows that general public opinion is not in its favour. 

9. The Tories ought to be the last persons to object to single-chamber 
government, since when they are in office the House of Lords passes all 
their Bills without question and the country is governed by a single 
chamber — a Tory House of Commons. 

10. That nothing revolutionary has happened during such periods is 
evidence that the dangers of single-chamber government are considerably 

11. The Parliament Act leaves to the House of Lords considerable 
powers of delay, revision, and suggestion of amendment. 

12. In fact, it leaves the House of Lords capable of properly performing 
the tn;e function of a Second Chamber, that of revision. 

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13. The Act is justified by the admission even of Unionists that the 
House of Lords has been an unfair assembly, out of touch with the 
people, and having a permanent Tory majority. 

14. Its representation is one-sided, giving too great a preponderance 
to the land-owning classes, and insufficient weight to the commercial, 
manufacturing, and industrial interests of the country. 


1. The Act sets up what is practically single-chamber government. 

2. That this is undesirable and dangerous is seen from the fact that 
every great country, including even the most democratic in the British 
dominions, has a double-chamber system of government and very strong 
safeguards against constitutional changes such as have just been forced 
upon Great Britain by the (Coalition (Government in 1911. 

8. The advantages of the period of delay provided are illusory, and will 
in practice prove to be of no value for impartial revision ; the passage of 
Bills a second and third time in the House of Gommons will be mere for- 
malities ; and since that House denies to the House of Lords any claim to 
represent the popular will, its wishes, amendments, and suggestions will 
be treated with contempt. 

4. A majority of the House of Gommons may at any time be small and 
obtained as the result of corrupt or other bargaining, and it ought not 
to have the uncontrolled power of passing legislation of the gravest 
consequence, without the express consent of the people. 

6. The House of Lords has indeed never opposed the will of the people 
when that will has once been clearly and definitely expressed in favour 
of any measure. The fact is clear from the progressive march of 
democracy in this country. 

6. When a Gteneral Election has shown that the country was in favour 
of a measure the House of Lords has never opposed its passage into law. 

7. Though the Gteneral Election may be an inconclusive method of 
ascertaining popular opinion on any particular measure as compared 
with the Beferendum, it is at least a better and surer gauge of popular 
opinion than the judgment of a temporary majority in the House of 

8. The Parliament Act is, in fact, only a device for passing a 
Home Bule Bill without the necessity of first obtaining that consent of 
the country, which there are excellent grounds for believing would be 

9. If the composition of the House of Lords is not perfect the fault lies 
in part, at any rate, with the Badicals, who have created many more 
peerages than the Unionists. 

10. That Badical Peers have failed to give a continued support to their 
Party is only another proof that the general tendency q( idl Second 

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Chambers is to be (conservative in character, as compared with Chambers 
of first instance. 

11. The real remedy for the existing state of affairs is a reform of the 
House of Lords in the direction of making it an impartial assembly. 

12. It is far from true that other than landed interests are not well 
represented therein. Most of the new creations are made in favour of the 
heads of great m anu f acturing and industrial concerns. 

18. The Unionist Party have shown themselves entirely prepared to 
reform the House of Lords and to make it more truly representative and 
popular in character. 

14. A strong Second Ghamber of this nature, with the Beferendum, 
would make for stability of government, much more than the system 
established by the Parliament Act, which, in effect, destroys the Second, 
and allows no appeal to the people from the chance majorities of the 
First, Ohamber. 

Abguments Fob and Against thb Bbfbbbndum. 


1. It ensures in the dearest possible manner that the will of the people 
shall prevail, and that measures shall not become law without the support 
of a majority of the electorate. 

2. It gives the electors the simple choice of an affirmative or negative 
reply to the question whether they are or are not in favour of a given 
legislative proposal. 

3. It removes the greatest defects of our existing system under which 
the Government enjoys all the power in the House of Gommons, and 
becomes the sole interpreter of what it asserts to be the will of the 

4. In practice members of Parliament support their Party and follow 
their leader; the theory that they possess, or at any rate act upon, 
independent conviction is untenable. 

6. The results of this rigid form of Party rule can be overcome by the 
use of the Beferendum in cases of great legislative importance. 

6. The verdict of a General Election is taken upon a multitude of 
conflicting and confused issues, which effectually prevent electors from 
casting their votes upon any one selected question. 

7. While there may be one issue in respect of which large numbers of 
electors pre-eminently cast their votes, there is nothing to prevent the 
Government, imder the Parliament Act, from passing into law legislation 
on any subject which was not before the electorate at the General 

8. Therefore under the new conditions set up by the Parliament Act in 
order to secure that nothing shall be passed into law which the majority 

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of the electors have not approved, it is more necessary than ever that 
the Beferendom should be established. 

9. While a General Election by its verdict may show that the ooontry 
disapproves the old Government and desires that its acts, or some of them, 
should be reversed, a new Government cannot proceed at once to repeal 
any obnoxious legislation passed by its predecessor, even if there were no 
doubts as to the precise measures the electors wished to reverse, which 
without a Referendum is difficult of ascertainment. 

10. If this were possible, the frequent enactment and repeal of laws is to 
the last degree undesirable, and the better course is to make sure that 
a measure is wanted before it is placed on the statute-book. 

11. The Beferendum is especially well adapted to decide questions in 
dispute between the two Houses of Parliament, since it is a reference to 
the final court of appeal— the electors. 

12. It is also singularly well calculated to secure an unprejudiced 
verdict on a particular legislative project without occasioning undue 
disturbance, because, according to the practice of countries in which its 
use prevails, an unfavourable verdict on an isolated issue does not 
necessarily, or usually, result in the resignation of the Government. 


1. The Beferendum is an attack upon our present representative system, 
which is the sure and satisfactory basis of liberty and self-government. 

2. Its adoption would degrade the House of Commons by removing from 
members the responsibility of interpreting the will of the people. 

8. Complaints of Government control and want of independence on the 
part of private members are exaggerated. So much is this the case that 
it has happened within recent years that Governments have been com- 
pelled to abandon or amend their legislative proposals as the result of 
a hostile attitude on the part of those by whom they are generally 

4. The ordinary elector cannot be expected to understand the technical 
and complex provisions of Bills of many clauses, full of disputable and 
controversial points. 

5. The true theory is, that electors should decide upon the main 
principles as advocated by political parties, and leave it to those members 
of the House of Commons in whom they have put their trust to put these 
principles into operation. 

6. There is no analogy between the position of Great Britain and that 
of a small country like Switzerland, or new communities like the States 
of the Australasian Union, and it cannot therefore be fairly argued, from 
the success of the Beferendum in such cases, that it will work well in the 
United Kingdom. 

7. The use of the Beferendum will not avoid the turmoil and dislocation 
pf trade resulting from a General Election, because the game poUtioal 



^^ organisations would be at work and the same maohinery would be 

^•' 8. The Beferendum would in fact frequently lead to an immediate second 
^ General Election, since the defeat of an important Government Bill would 
^ in practice often be followed by the resignation of the Ministry. 
BK^ 9. The adoption of the Beferendum also involves an inconvenient 

11^ admission of the right of the people to initiate legislation outside the 

House of Commons. 
n^ 10. The Beferendum fails to secure the popular verdict on a particular 
]^ measure because, as the experience of other countries proves, a 

considerable proportion of the electorate fails to record its vote. 
insii 11. This would especially be the case in Great Britain if a Bill, which 

oeeii in popular belief at any rate applied only to a portion of the country, 

such as the Welsh Disestablishment Bill, were subjected to the 

i^* Arguments For and Against the Paymbnt of 



1. The principle has been repeatedly affirmed by the House of Gommons 
0t by considerable majorities. 

it 2. In all the great Parliaments of the world— with the exception of 

fKJi those of Spain and Italy— members are paid, and even in these two 

countries contributions are made towards their expenses. 
jtlte 3. Payment of members in the British Parliament is only a reversion 

^t to an earlier practice, with the difference that members are now paid out 
^ of the taxes, instead of out of the rates. 

It ol 4. In recent years Parliament has made greatly increased demands on 
^ the time and attention of members, to such an extent, indeed, as to 

seriously circumscribe the area of choice. 
^ 5. Bepresentation has been placed upon a democratic basis, and men of 
ijid limited means have been, and now more and more will be, elected to the 

House of Commons. 
^ 6. Members of this class, however, unless paid when elected, are 
1^ considerably handicapped in their endeavours to be elected. 
j^ 7. The democracy is consequently unable to command a wide field 

of selection. 
Ij^i 8. Men of limited means with a desire to serve the public were till now 
debarred from the House of Oonmions, unless they were supported by some 
.^ political or industrial organisation. 
1^ 9. In that case they incline to become representatives of the section 

which supports them, and not of the whole body of their constituents. 
01 10. Such conditions are undesirable, and can only be avoided by 
^ payment by the State. 


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11. Tb» aaUry leoeived by mfiinbers wiU enable men of limited means 
to live while attending Parliament without lessening their opportunities 
ol supplementing their incomes by proiessional work during such times 
as they are free from their Parliamentary duties. 

12. Payment for puhlio service, which does not degrade a soldier, sailor, 
or dvU servant, should not degrade a member of Parliament. 

13. There is no analogy with the case of looal administration, which, 
save for the exceptional instance of the London Ck>unty Council, does not, 
like Parliament, absorb practically the whole of the time of members for 
at least half the year. 

14. IxMMd administration does not require attendances, as is gene- 
rally the case wi&h Parliament, at a centre more or less remote from 
home and business, but leaves its representatives at home with the greater 
part ol their time available tot their private affairs. 


1. Paid members of Parliament become the mere delegates of their 
constituents rather than free representatives, and thus suffer a loss of 
moral authority. 

2. Payment provokes the disappearance of members occupied in other 
walks of life, but possessed of sufficient leisure and inclination for puWo 
duty in the House of Commons. 

3. This has proved to be the case in the United States and Canada, 
where great difficulty is experienced in inducing representative and 
influential men to enter politics, which have thus become a by no 
means highly esteemed profession. 

4. The present type of representative will be replaced by the professional 
politician, which will be a great loss to the House of Commons, and to 
public life. 

6. Payment of members will not necessarily lead to the larger represen 
tation of the working classes by members of their own dass, b«t by 
professional agitators. 

6. Such has been the experience of other countries wherein membars 
are paid. 

7. Gratuitous public service is one of the glories of British publio Hie, 
and has produced the moat happy results. 

8. No Parliament in the world possessed a reputati(m for purity and 
independence equal to that of the House of Commons before payment ol 
members was introduced. 

9. The rate of pay will be increased, as it has been in other oouAtrias, 
until the salary becomes a more serious burden on the taxpayer, and % 
lacger prise for the professional politician. 

10. Pigment induces corrupt bargaining between candidates and politloal 

11. There is no analogy between the payment of ministexa and Iha pajy- 

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meni of members ; the fatmet kave io give up their whole time to ttie 
serriee of the State, the Utter should be representatives of the peo^^ 
engaged in various callings rather than professional p<^tician8, whose 
good faith is often oj^en to doubt. 

13. Public men whose limited financial resources render a Pariia* 
mentary candidature difficult in their case, but whose qualities maka 
their adoption desirable, are few in number, and it would be better 
in such ezeeptional cases to make exoeptional payment, rather than to 
waste public money by forcing it upon men whose pride it is to serve 

13. Payment of members is not accepted by the Labour Party as 
an alternative to reversal of the law as interpreted by the OstxHma 
Jodgment, since it in no way gives them control for political purposes of 
the funds of the Trade Unions. The object with which the change is 
introduced therefore fails of attainment. 

14. Payment will give an undesirable length of life to a Government, 
since a dissolution will threaten many members with the loss of their 

15. The adoption of this novel principle will inevitably lead to claims 
for payment for the many services now gratuitously, rendered in the 
judioiiJ, administrative, and local departments of public administration, 
and will further add to the deplorable and imjustifiable increase in paid 
offices, which the country has witnessed in the past six years. 

Abquhekts Fob and Aqainbt Manhood SuFFBAas. 

1. It gives to every adult citizen, who is not obviously disqualifiad, 
the right to vote. 

2. Being baaed upon a broad and simple qualifioaticm it enables the 
adult citizen without trouble to obtain the franchise. 

3. It removes the absurd and teohnifial qualificationa which are re- 
quired under the present law, and prevent many obviously quakified 
oitisens from getting the vote. 

4. It is the only franchise possible in a truly democratk state, since 
it alone ignores property as a necessary qualification. 

5. It is the natural sequel to previous Acts extending the franchise to 
the non-propertied class. 

6. And further, reduces the indefensihls influenoe ol wealth and 

7. Since earlier extensions of the franchise have not resulted in bad 
government or the introduction of undesirable elements into the adminla- 
txation, it cannot be presumed that this further eirtenaion will wealwn the 
independence of ivr«mhera of ParliaoMot or of Ministanu 

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8. Bather, by giving more individuals a direot interest in the govern- 
ment of the country, will stability and good government be increased as 
responsibility is extended. 

9. Whatever may be the dangers to the State from the rule of 
democracy, such will not be lessened by denying the franchise to a 
number of citizens. 

10. On the contrary, an unfranchised class being irresponsible and 
outside the pale of citizenship is more likely to act violently and 
dangerously, than a class of responsible voters. 

11. Manhood su£Erage will not however enfranchise any particular, or 
undesirable, class, but will give the vote to many, who have at least as 
great a stake in the country as some of the present electors. 

12. It will enfranchise a large number of excellent citizens who for 
technical reasons cannot now qualify. 


1. The existing franchise is wide enough to secure the vote to all 
responsible citizens. 

2. It is rather necessary to limit the existing franchise, since ex- 
perience shows that many undesirables at present have the vote. 

3. Extension means cheapening the franchise, and tends to make 
responsible voters hold their rights in light respect, and to take little 
trouble to record their vote. 

4. The vote should rather be the prized possession of the good citizen, 
than the right of all sorts and conditions of men. 

6. With the extension of the franchise to all adults, politicians will be 
under great temptation to advocate confiscatory and socialistic legislation 
to secure the votes of the " have nots " who greatly out-number the 
" haves." 

6. This tendency is very apparent now, and would be further accentu- 
ated if the electorate were enlarged by the addition of such as cannot even 
satisfy the requirements of the existing law. 

7. Such qualifications are so simple that every responsible citizen can 
qtuUify for a vote. 

8. Moreover, it would be perfectly easy to remove technical obstacles 
without touching the principle of qualification for the franchise and, by 
so doing, save the risk of grave danger to the State. 

9. The proposed extension is moreover wholly contrary to the principle 
of English franchise law, which is based upon the possession of local 
interest in the constituency, and confers no right to vote on the individual 
as such. 

10. It will encourage and facilitate personation and other election 

11. It will increase the cost of elections, and by enfranchising a 
shifting population will make the results very uncertain. 

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So far as the Parliament Act and the action of the House of Lords are 
concerned there are no other publications on the subject than those 
issued by the Publication Departments of the politicaJ parties. The 
arguments for and against the measure are best stated in the Debates in 
both Houses of Parliament. Publications of a more permanent character 
are, against the House of Lords, ** The House of Lords : who they are 
and what they haye done/' by Harold Spender; and for the House of 
Lords, *^ The Crusade against the Ck>nstitution : an Historical Vindication 
of the House of Lords/' by Sir William Charley. The latter yolume, 
although issued in 1895, is a remarkable exposure of the charge against 
the Second Chamber of obstructing Radical legislation. "Our Old 
Nobility,*' by Howard Evans {Mormng Leader Office, 6d.), is an attack 
upon the Peers individually and personally, and the widespread circula- 
tion of the opinions expressed in the volume is doubtless responsible for 
much of the ill-feeling excited against members of the House of Lords. 
The composition of Second Chambers, their powers, and the steps 
necessary to secure an amendment of the Constitutions in the principal 
countries are detailed in ** Modem Constitutions in Outline," by L. Alston 
(Longmans, 2s. 6d. net). The Composition and Functions of Second 
Chambers in other countries are dealt with in Cd. d82<l of 1907 (price 7d.), 
and in British Colonies in House of Commons Paper, No. 81 of 1910 
(price 2^.). 

Publications on the Referendum are *'The Referendum in Switzer- 
land," by S. Deploige; *< Against the Referendum," by Miss Jane 
Stoddart ; and *' An Appeal to the Nation," by Professor Dicey (Murray), 
being a treatise, by a supporter, on the Referendum in its relation to 
British politics. The Qtuirterly Review for April, 1911, contains an article, 
** The Referendum in Operation." 

Payment of Members has not been dealt with in separate publications. 
The Party literature supplies the arguments for and against, and the 
Parliamentary Debates should also be consulted. 

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TT is doubtful whether any one, outside the ranks of 
^ political agents and of the few lawyers who specialise in 
such matters, really understands the intricacies of our fran- 
chise laws. And even these experts are subject to surprises, 
judgment being often given on some disputed point of law, 
which entirely upsets their calculations. 


Irrespective of party, a case can easily be made out for tiie 
simplification of the franchise. The right to a vote should be 
simple of proof, and should not rest on technicalities. That 
is the ideal. In reality, however, a vote is often hard to 
obtain. This is partly, no doubt, due to the complicated 
character of the law ; and since elections are often lost and 
won in the revision courts, it would be against human nature 
for political agents either to abstain from getting their own 
supporters on the register, or from securing the disfranchise- 
ment of opponents, even on purely technical grounds. 

The counsel of perfection is that the preparation of the 
register should be the work solely of public officials. In 
theory that is the case now, and it is doubtful whether the 
authors of the present registration laws ever contemplated that 
party agents would occupy the prominent position which they 
do to-day in the registration courts. Whatever provisions 
were enacted with the object of making registration an official 
and not a party matter, it would seem impossible to keep the 
party agent out of the business. If he were eliminated some 
kind of provision would have to be made for raising objec- 
tions to proposed voters, and for deaUng with claims to be 


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placed on the register. Although in the fcmner OMe the 
objector might be a private elector, and in the latt^ the man 
might have to prove his claim himself, there would be no 
means of preventing all the real work being done in the back* 
ground by the political agents. Indeed, this is inevitable, 
since all that the party agents are striving to effect depends on 
the vote. 


While the exclusion of the party factor from the registra- 
tion courts is probably impossible, there is much room in 
other respects iar the simplification of the law. The present 
period of qualification is generally regarded as too long, and it 
operates in an anomalous manner to deprive citizens of the 
franchise. In the case of the most common — the househdd — 
franchise the inhabitant, either as owner or tenant, must have 
occupied the qualifying premises for twelve months preceding 
July 15th in any year. The register, which is made up in July 
of any one year, does not, generally speaking,* come into 
operation until January of the following year.j As a conse- 
quence a householder may have to wait thirty months before 
qualifjdng as a voter, t He would, however, if already quali- 
fied* retain his vote in his former constituency for eighteen 
months. During that period he becomes one of the army of 

* In England and Wales the Parliamentary Begister comes into opera- 
tion on January Ist, in Scotland on November Ist, and in Ireland on 
January Ist. 

t The revision oonrts are not over nntil October 18th, and the new register 
is not finally settled until they are completed. It is doubtful whether the 
period between July 15th and the first day for holding the courts — Septem- 
ber 8th— could be shortened. Some time most necessarily elapse between 
the first publication of the lists and the sittings of the registration courts 
to allow of claims and objections being made. The election of December, 
1910, except in Scotland, was consequently fooght upon a register made 
up in July, 1909, for which a householder's qualification had to begin in 
some period not later than July, 1906. But the verdict is regarded as an 
expression of the people's will as it existed in December, 19101 

I A tenancy begun on July 16, 1911, would not qualify the householder 
until July, 1918, and tiie renter W9ul4 not pQme into (oroe un^ 
January 1, l9J4t 

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** removals/' the traoing of wiiioh is an agent's despair daring 
an election on a " stale " register. 

The grievance, which is nndoubtedly felt by electors, in 
respect of the period of qualification is not lightened by the 
law which enables an elector who moves from one house 
to another in the same constituency or division of a con- 
stituency to keep his vote by claiming '* successive occu- 
pation." Curious anomalies arise in the exercise of 
his privilege. In a large county it is possible for a man 
to move many miles in one direction and retain his 
vote, but if he lives on the edge of the constituency he may 
only have to move a few yards in the other direction into 
another county to lose it. In London it is often enough to 
cross the road to be deprived of the vote."^ This indefensible 
situation points to the need of extending the principle of 
** successive occupation " to cover removals from one con- 
stituency to another. 

The Qualifting Pebiod. 

Another remedy for the removal of the preliminary difficulty 
in obtaining a vote is a reduction in the qualifying period. 
Some period, however, is necessary, and opinion in some 
quarters has favoured three months. A longer time than 
that, it is declared, would inflict a hardship upon working men 
who are often compelled to change their residence in the 
search for employment. Others regard three months as too 
short a time, which would tend to place the really resident 
population in a constituency at the mercy of a floating and 
less responsible section. The adoption of so brief a qualifica- 
tion would certainly increase the difficulties of registration 
and possibly encourage personation and fraud. More moderate 
and acceptable opinion points towards a reduction of the 
present qualifying period to six months in addition to an 
an extension of the principle of successive occupation. 

* The London Elections BUI, 1909, would have removed this anomaly 
by making London a single parliamentary borough. The real object of 
this measure, however, was to abolish plural voting in London, and it was 
rejected by the House of Lords, 

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The Lodgbb Fbanohisb. 

In a hardly less degree, however, the law requires amend- 
ment in respect of the lodger franchise. While the occupier 
of lodgings of £10 annual value unfurnished is entitled to a 
vote, he must claim every year.* Lodger claims, indeed, form 
the main matter for contention by party agents at revision 
courts. Under an energetic agent the numbers invariably 
rise, the voters not being lodgers in the strict sense of the 
word, but often sons, for instance, living with their parents. 
This qualification in respect of annual value is usually very 
loosely interpreted, and the present tendency is to grant the 
lodger vote except where obvious disqualifications exist. 
The advantages of the household over the lodger franchise 
have already been mentioned, and there has consequently 
arisen a tendency to claim, wherever possible, under the 
household franchise. The practice of letting houses to more 
than one family causes considerable confusion, and leaves 
the decision whether claimants are entitled to the lodger 
or householder franchise to be settled upon minor considera- 

Not less difficult to defend upon logical grounds is the 
" service " franchise, especially in relation to conditions of 
domestic service. This entitles a man who inhabits a dwelling- 
house by virtue of any office, service, or employment to a 
vote, so long as the person under whom he serves does not 
live in the same house. Thus the coachman, gardener, 
and lodge-keeper obtain a vote which is denied to the butler, 
footman, and valet. 

The anomalies of the franchise naturally give reformers 
opportunities of making a good case for amendment. Their 
demands, however, go far beyond a readjustment of the 
existing system, for they desire to bring about changes which 
materially affect the foundations of the franchise. 

* Consequently when a lodger changes his lodgings from one house to 
another — even in the same constituency — ^he loses his vote for at least 
twelve months. When he becomes a householder the same situation 

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Adult Suffbaob. 

Adult safifrage especially is put forward as a onre for all the 
evils of the franchise system, and not only would its adoption 
include manhood sufibtkge, but, as was thought, votes for 
women also, upon the same terms as for men. 

Mr. Asquith has however announced that his Gk)vemment 
will introduce a manhood sufiErage bill at an early date, and 
will leave it to the House of Commons to amend it by the 
inclusion of women, if so desired. 

Many supporters of manhood sufi^ge would, however, 
shrink from admitting the universal application of the prin- 
ciple that the attainment of a specified age entitles the male 
citizen to a vote. Otherwise it would be impossible to deny a 
parliamentary system to India or Egypt, or voting power 
equal to that enjoyed by white men to natives of South 
Africa. These instances are merely given to show that the 
principle of universal manhood suffrage is hardly practical 
politics. It should always at least be provided that citizens 
before receiving votes must satisfy some authority ad hoc that 
they are fit and proper persons to exercise this privilege. 
While there is general agreement that the franchise should 
not be conferred upon criminals and lunatics, a distinct diffi- 
culty is experienced in prescribing such qualifying conditions 
as shall exclude the citizen whose undesirability is less pro- 
nounced than that of the criminal or lunatic, but shall at the 
same time be broad enough to include every average citizen 
whatever his rank in life, the amount of his possessions, or 
the extent of his intellectual capacity. 

OuB Ebanohisb System. 

The English franchise system has not been the creation of a 
single autocratic administrator, but has grown up with the 
passage of centuries. In the beginning the exercise of the 
franchise was much restricted, but the conditions of education 
and popular intelligence were not such as commended to the 
legislators of those days a liberal extension. If the possession 
of landed property was the chief qualification for a vote, it was 

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beewise ownership of land was roughly a fair indication of educa- 
tion and fitness for participation in public affairs. Where the 
landed property qualification was low abuses resulted, as in 
the case of the 40s. freehold franchise in Ireland. No one 
would assert that the verdict of electors of this class, although 
the result of a popular vote, was any better indication of tibie 
popular will, than a verdict taken upon a more restricted 

Its Extensions. 

^th the spread of education, however, the franchise was 
extended. Although property qualifications were then excluded , 
nevertheless so far as the main, the household, franchise is 
concerned, the position of the voter as a tenant and payer of 
the current poor rate indicates a certain standing. The com- 
plications that attend this primarily simple franchise are due 
to the extension to other than householders proper, who were 
considered to be justly entitled to a vote. Hence the addition 
to the ''household" franchise of a series of supplementary 
*' lodger*' and " service " claims. These may indeed contain 
the germ of manhood suffrage, and it may be conceded that age 
plus a simple qualification should under democratic government 
establish the right to a vote. So long as that right was 
restricted to the possessors of a certain amount of property, no 
necessity arose for these supplementary franchises ; but when 
the "household" franchise obliterated the property quali- 
fication, the hard cases of men who were fully qualified for a 
vote, except that in a technical sense they were not " house- 
holders," required and received special attention and reasonably 
favourable treatment. 

Generally speaking, however, the franchise of the United 
Kingdom approximates to manhood suffrage. The new Census 
figures do not yet allow a comparison to be made between the 
number of males qualified by age, and the actual number of 
voters. In any such comparison it should be remembered 
that, apart from those disqualified as criminals, lunatics, and 
paupers, there are large numbers who do not trouble to claim 
the vote. Particularly is this noticeable in the case of lodgers, 
and further allowance would have to be made for such as have 

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failed to qualify owing to the complicated and illogical charac- 
ter of many of the franchise laws to which reference has already 
been made. Their simplification cotdd be carried out without 
arousing violent party strife, if the proposals made were free 
from any suspicion of party gain, and political gerryman- 

Women's Suppragb. 

The impetus which the coming of a Liberal Gk>yernment in 
1906 gave to all desirable, and undesirable, reforms was in no 
instance more pronounced than in relation to woman sufi&age. 

Numerous societies, leagues, and unions were established to 
press forward this question, which, however, differed on 
matters of policy, and even on the particular franchise which 
the women desired. Some adopted "militant" tactics and 
made demonstrations by waylaying, interrupting, and attacking 
Cabinet Ministers, and coming into conflict ynth the police. 
Others repudiated these tactics, and contented themselves 
with the more orthodox methods of agitation. Both schools 
have recently combined to support a measure known as the 
*' Conciliation ** Bill. No one will under-rate the energy and 
enthusiasm which the advocates of women's suffrage have 
shown in their cause, but they have made little or no 
impression upon the male elector, who has, however, generally 
speaking, allowed himself to be interested and amused. The 
woman speaker in the street-comer was a welcome change 
from the ordinary open-air orator. These enthusiasts have 
been treated with kindly tolerance because the male elector has 
hitherto declined to take them and their demand at all 
seriously. While they have enlisted the support of many 
members of Parliament, there is a solid array of sound opinion 
outside, less vocal than weighty, entirely opposed to women's 
suffrage. It is well understood that many, perhaps most, of the 
members who vote for it rely, or once relied, on the House 
of Lords, or a saving sense of sanity in the public, to undo 
their deeds. They vote from complaisance, to redeem an 
election promise, from a desire to escape worry, from a general 
disposition to yield to anything in the way of pressure, and 

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think little harm will be done. Women helped in their 
election, they must in turn help women. 

The question at Westminster, however, gains its interest 
from the peouUar way in which it cuts across the ordinary 
divisions of parties, and this cleavage, is reflected in the country ; 
and when the real fight upon this issue comes, if it does come, 
Conservatives may be seen rallying round Mr. Asquith, as 
Liberals have, in this behalf, round Mr. Balfour. 

Opposition to women's suffrage partakes of two characters. 
There are out-and-out opponents who stand by the sex bar, 
and there are those who would not be hostile if they could 
be persuaded that it was possible to stop at a restricted 
franchise, and that women would not also demand the right to 
sit in ParUament. It has been the aim of the more astute 
suf&agists to capture moderate opinion, and their so-called 
** Conciliation" Bill * is put forward as a united demand of a 
moderate character. 

It is provided by this measure that every woman possessed 
of a household qualification, as defined by the Representation 
of the People Act, 1884, shall be entitled to be registered as a 
voter, and, when registered, to vote for the county or borough in 
which the qualifying premises are situated. 

The Bill denies women plural votes, a concession to 
Liberal opinion ; and it seeks to conciliate moderate opinion by 
restricting the franchise to those who directly or indirectly 
pay rates. It does not forbid the vote to married women, but 
prevents a wife exercising the franchise if her husband is 
registered as a voter in the same parliamentary borough or 
county division. 

By its supporters it is estimated that the Bill will enfranchise 

* House of Oommons Bill, No. 6 of 1911. This measure differs from the 
** Conoiliation " Bill of 1910 (No. 180), in respect of its title, of the omission 
of the £10 occupation franchise, and of its treatment of married women. 
The title of the Bill of 1911 is so altered that amendments can be moved 
to extend its scope, and it restricts the enfranchisement of married 
women, in deference to the fear that *< faggot ** votes would be created, by 
preventing husband and wife from voting in the same constituency. 
(See Brailsford, " The Conciliation Bill : an Explanation and a Defence," 
Garden City Press, Letchworth.) 

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1»000,000 women,* and it is the outcome of a compromise both 
in respect of the qualification for the franchise, and in its 
treatment of married woman. Many, probably most, suffragists 
and their male supporters want adult sufiErage, and have only 
accepted this Bill as a recognition of the claim of women 
householders to prior treatment. If it became law they would 
still press forward the adult suffrage solution, which would give 
between five or six million women the franchise — to which the 
moderate supporters of the present Conciliation Bill f would 
by no means agree. 

Opponents of the Bill naturally protest that it was not 
made an issue at the last General Election, and that the 
question has never been before the country in any real or 
effective sense. They object to so revolutionary a measure 
being passed into law without a definite demand from the 
people. They point out very properly that though the 
advocates of the Bill may declare it to be of a most moderate 
character, it is avowedly supported by many because it sanc- 
tions the principle of votes for women, and is a mere instalment 
of reform. 

The case of opponents would be practically lost if this 
principle were once conceded. They would have to fight 
extensions of the suffrage not on the principle that ^* votes for 
women '* were inadmissible, but solely on the demerits of the 
particular measures of extension before them at the time, and 
their difGiculties would be immensely increased by the fact 
that these measures would also deal with extensions of the 
franchise to men. There would in the future be no clear-cut 

* See Sir Gteorge Kemp's speech, House of Commons, May 6, 1911. 
Parliamentftry Debates, vol. 25, p. 744. 

t It was read a second time in the House of Oonmions on May 6, 1911. 
The Gk>yemment have promised facilities for the measure during 1912, a 
day tot Second Beading, and a week for the Committee stage, with a fair 
chance for its promoters to overcome obstruction and make real progress, 
and a further pledge that the Government will not intervene at the end of 
a week if the House of Commons desires to proceed. (See Sir Edward 
Grey's speech at the National Liberal Club, June 1, 1911.) The po8itioii» 
however, is completely altered by the recent announcement of a Manhood 
Suffrage BiU. 

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issue on the question of woman sufi&age, and the ooontry 
might find itself in the position of being governed by a 
majority of women before it realised the situation in whioh it 
stood, or the dangers to which it had become subjeot. 

Opponents of women suffirage, therefore, regard the '' Con- 
ciliation " Bill as a transparent effort to obtain assent to a 
revolutionary principle by a thinly disguised pretence of 
moderation. They oppose it altogether, using in this behalf 
all the general arguments directed against the enfranchise- 
ment of women. However restricted the immediate effect of 
the measure may be, it involves a recognition of the principle 
of sex equality, which is opposed alike by Conservative and 
liberal anti-sufi&agists as dangerous * and inadmissible. 

Plubal Voting. 

The Liberal Party is, however, united in demanding the 
abolition of the "plural vote." Residence not being a 
necessary qualification for the exercise of the ownership 
franchise, the possession of land of sufBicient value qualifies 
the owner for a vote in every constituency in which he has 
property.! This situation arises from the traditional theory of 
the franchise that the ownership of land was the test of fitness 
to vote, which is entirely contrary to the contemporary popular 
claim that no man shall be denied a vote unless obviously dis- 
qualified, and that to give undue weight to the holders of a 
particular kind of property is indefensible. The position of 

* The arguments for and against women suffrage are set out in the 
summary at the end oi this chapter. 

t In counties the ownership franchise may he freehold, copyhold, or 
leasehold. In no case is residence required. In horoughs the fre^old 
ownership vote qualifies the owner for the county vote, unless the freehold 
is in his own occupation. In boroughs a copyhold or leasehc^ does not 
qualify the owner for the county vote, if it qualifies himself or any other 
person (i.0., his tenant) for the borough vote. The freeholder, cqpyholder, 
and leaseholder in boroughs vote in an adjoining county constituency : 
Surrey freeholders in the county of London in the Wimbledon division ; 
Maidstone freeholders in the Medway division ; Manchester freeholders in 
the Stretford division, and so on. This arrangement is denounced by 
liberals, who declare that resident Liberal (pinion is swamped by Tory 
" plural voters." 

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the plural voter gives rise to certain anomalies, for since no 
man may cast more than one vote in any one constituency, a 
large landowner whose property is compact and all situated in 
such an area, has only one vote, while a smaller landowner 
whose property is scattered over half a dozen counties has half 
a dozen votes. Again, a City man may have one vote for his 
office, another for his West End house, and a third for his 
week-end cottage, though an entry on the ownership list does 
not necessarily indicate the possession of a plural vote, since 
the person whose name is entered may, of course, be resident 
on the property. Plural voting also obtains in respect of 
University seats. 

As a class plural voters have earned the bitter hostility of 
the Liberal Party, principally for the reason that they are 
suspected of being, and probably for the most part are, Con- 
servatives.* In 1906, by the Plural Voting Bill, and in 1909, 
so far as London was concerned, by the London Elections 
Bill, the LibenJ (Jovemment tried to reduce the plural voter's 
qualifications to a single vote. The somewhat devious methods 
by which the result was to be attained lent colour to their 
opponents' allegation that they were solely seeking party 
advantage. Although both measures were rejected by the 
House of Lords, it is an indication of the trend of public 
opinion that the Peers did not attempt to defend the principle 
of plural voting,! but only declined to accept a Bill which 
merely dealt with one aspect and one branch of a great and 
complicated subject, and made no attempt to remove the glaring 
inequalities which exist in the distribution of electoral power. :[ 

* The Liberal Magaaine (January, 1911, p. 665) estimates that ** the 
property outvoter gives the Unionists at least thirty seats." In the same 
nmnber statistics are given showing the plural vote in certain con- 
stituencies. See also <' The Case for One Man, One Vote," issued by the 
Liberal Publication Department, 42, Parliament Street, Westminster, S.W. 

f So Mr. Balfour, when advocating the Beferendum, said there would be 
** no plural voting," and he added that as a result of its adoption " the 
gross inequalities due to difterences in the size of constituencies will be 
avoided *' (The Times, December 7, 1910). 

I See Lord St. Aldwyn's motion. House of Lords, December 10, 1906, 
and the debate on that occasion. 

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**Onb Vote, Onb Value/* 

It would seem, then, that the life of the plural voter will not be 
prolonged beyond the introduction of a comprehensive scheme 
of franchise reform and redistribution. To the cry of "one 
man, one vote *' the Unionist Party have very logically added 
the demand for ** one vote, one value/' Indeed, unless each 
vote has the same value the equality so ardently desired by 
real reformers is not secured. The real reformer, as dis- 
tinguished from the party gerrymanderer, demands equal 
electoral districts throughout the country, and would deal vdth 
the question of the plural vote as part of a great scheme, of 
which redistribution should be the chief feature. 

At the present time, in order to secure an indisputable 
expression of the will of the people, this is the one and only 
counsel of absolute necessity. It is a peculiarity of our electors^ 
system that the basis of representation is not electors but 
population ; and as since 1884 there has been no redistribution 
measure, changes of population have produced most unequal 
constituencies. Some have increased enormously in size, 
others have declined, and an unequal distribution of electoral 
power is the result. One vote, indeed, may have twenty times 
greater value than another.* 

The Need for Rbdistbibution. 

The attitude of the House of Commons towards this question 
shows the Party system in its most unfavourable light, and 
the opposition of the smaller constituencies to any scheme 
involving their extinction as separate entities is a factor with 
which the House has to reckon. The Unionist Government 
did introduce a scheme of redistribution in 1906, which was, how- 

* Haliiaz 101,556 inhabitants Two members. 

Hnddersfield ... 107,825 „ One member. 

Bath 50,729 ,, Two members. 

West Ham ... 289,192 „ Two members. 

Wandsworth ... 311,402 „ One member. 

Montgomery Dist. 17,791 „ One member. 

Kilmarnock Burghs 105,081 ,, One member. 

Kilkenny .,. 13,112 „ One member 


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ever, dropped.* Indeed, it met with no very general support, 
and no attempt has since been made to deal with the question, 
notwithstanding that Mr. Asquith so far baok as January, 1902, 
admitted that the existing state of distribution called "for 
speedy remedy/'f Redistribution must of necessity be one 
of the last acts of a Parliament; but the real difficulty, 
especially in the present situation of afEairs, is the Iriidi 
Nationalist vote. Mr. Redmond's followers, representatives to 
a great extent of small constituencies, are naturally intolerant 
of change which would reduce their numbers and power at 
Westminster. Their opposition is based on the Act of Union, 
which they declare cannot be altered without general consent. ^ 
They declare that it would be unjust to deprive Ireland of her 
present representation by reason of her decreasing population, 
which is due to the absence of Irish Home Rule, and to the 
unwise administration of an Imperial Parliament ignorant of 
Irish conditions. 

It may be taken for granted for the immediate present that 
redistribution is postponed imtil after the passing of Home 
Rule, whereby Irish representation in the Imperial Parlia- 
ment must be largely modified. 

Methods of Repbesbntation. 

Meanwhile men's minds have turned towards other pro- 
posals for securing a more accurate representation of the 

* It wad decided to proceed by a resolution which was introduced into 
the House of Gommons on July 18, 1906 ; but on the decision of the 
Weaker that it ought to be divided into eight or nine separate parts, to be 
discussed seriatim in Oommittee, it was withdrawn. The principles upon 
which the Government then in power prq^osed to carry out the redistri- 
bution were detailed in a memorandum by Mr. Gerald Balfour, M.P., the 
President of the Local Government Board (Gd. 2602 of 1906). 

t On an amendment to the Address on January 26, 1902, Mr. Asquith 
said : '* I think we are all agreed that the existing state of our represen- 
tation as regards distribution is anomalous and indefensible, and calls for 
speedy remedy " (Parliamentary Debates, vol. 101, p. 1882). 

{ The Act of Union gave Ireland one hundred representatives in the 
House of Commons. By the Bef orm Act of 1882 the number was increased 
to 106 aaA by the Bef orm Act of 1886 reduced to 108. 

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popular will at Westminster.'*' The breaking up in this 
eoontry of the " two-party " system has led in many con- 
stitnencies to more than two candidates standing for one seat, 
and the result produced by existing conditions, which gire the 
voter only one opportunity of expressing a preference, leaves 
much to be desired. Indeed, it often happens, as a result of 
three or more candidates standing, that the one at the head 
of the poll represents only a minority of electors voting, t 

Of the various schemes put forward, two require an absolute 
majority in single-member constituencies, while others, being 
particularly designed to ensure the representation of minorities, 
apply in ttie case of multi-member constituencies. Of the 
former type, are the second ballot and the alternative vote ; of 
the latter, the limited vote, the cumulative vote, the transferable 
vote (more generally known as proportional representation),! 
and the list system. 

Thb Second Ballot. 

Under the Second Ballot system a candidate, to be returned, 
must obtain an absolute majority of the valid votes cast. If 

* A Royal Commission was appomted m 1908 ** to examine the various 
schemes which have been adopted or proposed in order to secure a fuUy 
zepresentative character for popularly elected legislative bodies, and to 
consider whether and how tu they, or any of them, are capable of appli- 
oation in this country in regard to the existing eleotorat*." It reported 
in 1910 (Od. 5163). 

t There have been many cases ; but the anomaly was shown in its most 
extreme form at a by-^ection in the Atterclifie Division of Sheffield, 
^en four candidates ran, and the poU resulted as foUows :^ 

Peinter (Lab.) 8,681 

King.Farlow (0.) 8,880 

Lambert (Lib.) 8,174 

Muir WUson (I.O.) 2,808 

The first named was declared duly elected, although he had but a little 
•ver a quarter of the votes cast. 

I Strictiy speaking, aU schemes ol the latter type are sdiemet of 
proportional representation. The name here has become speoiaUy 
attached fo the transferable vote from the fact that that is the plan 
advocated by the Prq^rtional Bepreiestation Society (179, St, Stephen's 
House, Westminster, S.W.). 

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the election produces no such definite result, it becomes 
necessary to hold another election, at which, in the case of 
a single-member constituency, only the two candidates who 
were first and second on the first poll compete.* This system 
is in operation in Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Italy, 
Russia, and in most of the smaller European States. It has, 
however, great and obvious defects. A second election within 
a short time is necessary, candidates are put to much extra 
expense, and the disturbance to business which an election 
causes is considerably prolonged. There would also be no 
little difficulty in inducing electors to record their votes for a 
second time in a short period, and during the interval un- 
desirable ** log-rolling'* is likely to take place.! 

The Altbrnativb Vote. 

The Alternative Vote system is designed to avoid the 
necessity for a second ballot by giving the elector on the first 
occasion an opportunity of indicating the order of his 
preference for the candidates by placing them consecutively on 
his ballot card, 1, 2, 3, and so on. In the example of three 
candidates for one seat, where one candidate has not secured an 
absolute majority, the third drops out, and his papers, and of 
course his only, are examined with the object of ascertaining 
the second preferences of those who have voted for him. The 
system is far from perfect in securing the return of the 
candidate most desired, since the examination of all the papers 
is not undertaken for ascertaining second preferences. There 
is too the likelihood that a large percentage of voters will fail 
to record a second preference.! Notwithstanding its im- 
perfections, the Royal Commission recommends its adoption 
in single-member constituencies as ''the best method of 

* The principle is the same where there is more than one seat to be 
filled. If less than the required number of candidates obtain the 
necessary majority, two candidates again submit themselyes for each 

t Beport of Boyal Oommission on Electoral Systems, Od. 6163, par. 17. 

X In Australia the average number of second preferences used is 65 per 
cent. (Od. 6168, par. 22). 

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removing the most serious defect which a single-member 
system can possess — the return of minority candidates." * 

The Gumulativb Vote. 

The other systems for securing more accurate representation 
involve the reconstruction of our system of single-member 
constituencies.! Of such systems the Cumulative Vote has 
already been tried in this country in connection with the 
School Board elections. The voter is given as many votes 
as there are candidates, and can spread them over as many 
candidates as he pleases or plump for one candidate. The 
Commission state that this system has secured the representa- 
tion of religious minorities and of women on the School Boards, 
but they add that it ''stands self-coAdemned " from the fact 
that ''its successful operation requires the implicit obedience 
of the elector to the directions of the party manager." | 

Pbopobtional Rbpbesbntation. 

Of systems designed to effect the representation of parties 
in strict proportion to their strength at the polls, there are 
said to be some three hundred in existence. Two alone have 
commanded attention — the system of the Belgian List and 
that of the Transferable Vote, advocated by the Proportional 
Representation Society. 

The List System. 

The Belgian system involves the preparation of lists of 
candidates in an order of preference, which has received sup- 
port from a body of not less than one hundred electors. The 
voter supports the whole group in the given order, or chooses 
some one candidate to head the list, and the seats are appor- 
tioned to each group in proportion to the number of votes it 

* OcL 5163, par 26. The <* alternative vote" and its defects are 
treated at length in pars. 18-27 of the Report. 

t Excluding the three two-member Universities, there are only twenty- 
four two-member constituencies in the boroughs. These, it is said, were 
retained in 1885 as a result of Mr. Gladstone's *' personal sentiments" 
(Cd. 5163, par. 8), 

; Od. 5163, par. 48. It is not used anywhere for political eleotioni. 

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obtains.* The order of election in each group is regulated by 
the "straight" vote which supports the order as printed <m 
the list, and by the individual choice which each elector may 
exercise. The system is open to the obvious objection that it 
gives immense power to pu-ty managers in arranging the order 
in which the names shall be printed. 

Thb Tbanbfbiublb Votb. 

The Transferable Vote does not suffer from this serious 
defect. As originally proposed it would have made the whole 
of the United Kingdom one constituency.t 

Practical considerations, however, prevented the adoption of 
this ideal method of securing representatives irrespective of 
party. Hare's scheme has undergone various changes,! and 
at the present time the proposals for the adoption of the 
Transferable Vote as advocated by the Proportional Repre- 
sentation Society are as follows: — 

The constituencies would be larger than they are, and would 
return three or more members. § Each elector would have one 
vote, and he would place the figure 1 opposite the candidate of 
his first and the figure 2 opposite the candidate of his second 
choice, and so on. 

A candidate to insure election must poll a certain proportion 
of the votes cast, which is known as the quota, and is ascer- 
tained by dividing the total number of votes cast by a number 
exceeding by one the number of seats to be filled, and adding 
one unit to the result. 

Candidates who have received the quota are declared elected. 
All the votes of those candidates who have received more than 

* Special proyisioa has to be made lor dealixig with fraotioos involving 
the odd seat. See Od. 6103, pars. 49-62, and lor the French modifioation 
of the Belgian system, par. 55. 

t By Thomas Hare, in his book, <* The Machinery of Bepresentatlon/' 
1859. The transferable vote received the powerful support of John Stoarl 
Mill, in *' Bepresentative Gbvemment,'' first published in 1861, and later 
in the debates on the Beform BUI of 1867. 

t See Od. 5163, pars. 64-66. 

§ The Boyal Commission suggest seven, with nine or ten in populoui 
areas (Od. 6168, par. 79). 

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the quota are then examined for preferences. These are trans- 
ferred in strict proportion to the surplus votes to the unelected 
candidates,* and such of these as have obtained the quota by 
the transfer of surplus votes are then also declared elected. 

The candidates lowest on the poll are eliminated one after 
another, and their votes are transferred to the second prefer- 
ences. This process is continued until the required number 
of candidates have obtained the quota, or by elimination the 
number of candidates is reduced to the number of seats still 

The Proportional Representation Society claim for their 
system that it reproduces public opinion in its true propor- 
tions, securing majority rule, and a hearing for considerable 
minorities. It would give electors a wider freedom of choice 
and representatives greater independence. Its adoption is 
retarded because it is wholly alien to our present system of 
representation through single-member constituencies. 

Where this objection is absent the proportional method of 
the Single Transferable Vote has commended itself as prac- 
ticable to our legislators, and has been largely used in Lord 
Lansdowne's proposals for reconstituting the House of 
Lords, t 

If our present system is in the main to be retained, the 
Alternative Vote seems best adapted to prevent a minority 
man being returned in three-cornered contests with the least 
disturbance to the existing arrangement of representation. 

From this brief presentment of the subjects treated in this 
chapter it is obvious that the Franchise and Redistribution 
Bills, now overdue, are likely to give rise to much political 
discussion and many heated and prolonged controversies. 

* In the earlier proposals the returning ofELcer took at random from the 
elected candidates' votes a number equal to the surplus above the quota. 
This rough-and-ready method introduced an element of chance and opened 
the door to a possible manipulation of the voting papers chosen for 
examination for second preferences. It is now proposed to re-sort all the 
elected candidates' votes according to second preferences, and to give to 
the remaining candidates not aU th6 votes cast for them, but that number 
whioh bears its proper proportion to the number of surplus votes available. 

t See House of Lords BiUs, No. 76 of 1911. 

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Aboumbmts Fob and Aoaikst Woman's Suffbage. 


1. The olftim to the vote is good beoaose women have a large stake in 
the country ; they are subject to its laws, and they pay a fair proportion 
of the taxes. 

2. Women are equally interested in the welfare of the State with men, 
and should have equal opportunities for making their views known. 

3. While it is true that there are differences between men and women, 
the very existence of these differences justifies the claim for the vote, 
since if men and women were alike the representation of men would 
include that of women. 

4. It is unjust that women should be taxed for public purposes and be 
denied a voice in public expenditure. 

6. Without the vote women have no voice in making laws, which they 
have to obey. 

6. So long as this sense of grievance and injustice exists among women 
they cannot be expected to co-operate loyally in obeying and respecting 
the law. 

7. Women are intellectually as capable of exercising the vote as men. 

8. The nation suffers a loss by denying to capable women a voice in the 
election of members of Parliament. 

9. Satisfactory proof that women will Hse to the level of their new 
responsibilities, when they get the vote, is afforded by the fact that they 
do for the most part, and in no less degree than men, faithfully and 
conscientiously fulfil the duties now entrusted to them. 

10. Women have shown their ability for the conduct of public affairs by 
their work on local and municipal councils, which has given satisfaction 
not only to themselves, but to the public. 

11. Women already take a considerable part in political life as can- 
vassers and speakers, and their womanly qualities are not in consequence 

12. If women are unable to form a judgment on political issues, they 
ought not, as now, to be allowed to persuade other people, but should be 
kept altogether out of politics. 

13. Their political influence will be no more destroyed by the possession 
of tiie vote than has that of the various classes of men who have won the 

14. The concession of the vote to women on the terms on which it is 
now enjoyed by men will certainly not be without injustice, since our 
franchise laws are full of imperfections ; but it will at least be less unjust 
than the refusal of the vote to all women. 

16. The proposal to enfranchise women householders proceeds on the 
principle of giving the vote first to those who have the more urgent claim, 
since women householders have to pay rates and taxes. 

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16. Adult sufErage, it is true, would place the majority of votes in the 
hands of women, but no greater danger need result than has resulted 
from the majority of votes being, as is now the case, in the hands of the 
working classes. 

17. All the women are no more likely to vote on one side against all the 
men than the working classes are to vote solidly as a class, which event 
has not yet arrived. 

18. There may be many practical difficulties in the way of the adoption 
of women's sufinge ; every reform is surrounded by difficulties, which it is 
the business of statesmen to overcome. 

19. Physical force does not count to-day in the conduct of affairs ; to 
say that every man may have to fight is playing with the question. 
Indeed, the possibility that any of us may ever have to fight again is 
explicitly denied by important sections in Imperial Parliament. 

20. The ordinary elector is only so isa concerned with the army and 
navy that he expresses his agreement with the voting of supplies. 
Women are equally qualified to take part in this, which is at present 
allowed to be the only necessary and proper way in which to participate 
in the defence of the country. 

21. To say that the United Kingdom runs a greater risk by adopting 
women suffrage than smaller communities have done by taking similar 
action, is true not only of women sufirage, but of all political reforms, 
which none the less have come in crowds and whole battalions. 

22. Enfranchisement of women is no more likely [to blunt their finer 
qualities than higher education, which has had no such effect. Nature 
has endowed them with certain qualities of which no Act of Parliament 
can deprive them. 

23. Queen Victoria, who from girlhood was immersed in political 
affairs, showed herself in all the public and private relations of life 
entirely womanlike. 

24. The concession of a vote to the ordinary women elector will not 
have any greater tendency to lead her to spend laborious days in politics, 
to the neglect of her home life, than it has had in the case of the ordinary 
male elector, who does not as a rule neglect his business for politics. 

25. To say that the enfranchisement of women would lead to 
differences in domestic life is to give xmdue weight to the axiom that 
domestic peace can only be purchased by the suppression of opinion. 

26. Women even now cannot be prevented from expressing their 
opinions on political subjects in their homes, and peace is less likely to 
be preserved so long as they have no power to give effect to their views. 

27. Neither in Australia nor in New Zealand has the State experienced 
any danger from the enfranchisement of women. 

28. In matters of defence and of Imperial import women electors in 
Australia have shown themselves as far-seeing and as discriminating as 

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99. TIm anfmnohiMmeni of women there made eleotiom moit ofderty, 
and hM reeolted in greater prominenoe being given to legiiUtion p«Etioa- 
lerly >ffeoting women and children. 

90. The statistics showing tiie numbers of electors noting in New 
Zealand prore that women are not indifferent to the Tote, which they 
use when they haye it. 

31. It is intolerable that female workers should have to labour under 
conditions, which are regulated solely by politicians of the other sex. 

32. When women get the Tote they will ensure that their own labour is 
no longer underpaid, and men will thus gain, since they will not be 
displaced to make room for cheap female labour. 

88. The enfranchisement of women will prevent the sphere of women's 
labour being narrowed, as it now is, by Parliament and the Trade Unions. 

34. The wages of women are lowered by their unprotected and voicelesB 
position in the labour market. 

35. In Australia the vote has led to the establishment of a minimum 
wage for women as well as for men. 

86. The power of the vote is seen in the case of tiie miners, who have 
secured an eight-hour day ; women workers, having no vote, are sweated. 

87. Many laws relating to women, being enacted by men, are unjust. 
38. Although the law relating to the property of married wcmien may 

now be satisfactory, no women can regard the long struggle that was 
necessary to secure justice with any satisfaction, or believe that if women 
had possessed votes it would not have been sooner obtained. 

89. Political power is required to amend the divorce laws under which 
women can be divorced for one kind of offence, while offences of two kinds 
must be proved against their husbands before divorce is possible. 

40. And to alter the laws which deprive wives of all control over and 
custody of their children, and make the husband the sole guardian. 

41. Nearly seventy town and city councils have passed res(dutions in 
favour of woman suffrage. 

42. Measures conferring the franchise on women have been approved by 
the House of Oommons on seven occasions. 

48. It is time, therefore, that legal effect was given to the opinion of the 
representative chamber. That the change is of a bold and fundamental 
character is no sufficient argument against its adoption. All great 
reformers have been bold to the point of rashness, from Moses to Mahomet, 
and from Mahomet to Mrs. Pankhurst. 


1. Activity in political matters will impair the welfare of the nation by 
diverting the attention of women from their natural spheres of home- 
keeping and child-bearing. 

2. Women, being entrusted with the great responsibility of per- 
petuating the race, have but little margin of strength and time lor 
the demands which politics would make upon themselves and upon 

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tWr atrrous cystami, liraia upon whieh would show itMlf in the 
deganeraoj of the offspriog. 

8. Bex difterenoe not only holds good of the bodies of men and women 
bat also of their minds ; equality of essential opposites oannot therefore 
ever be established. 

4. Since men and women are fundamentally and physiologically 
different, the one is the complement and not the competitor of the 
other, and under natural conditions they consequently work in harmony ; 
but the enfranchisement of women on terms of equality with men would 
introduce competition upon which conflict and friction would necessarily 

6. The physical nature of women unfits them for competition with men 
on terms of equality. Such competition would destroy the present 
chivalrous consideration men show towards women. 

6. It would also weaken the existing, none the less powerful because 
indirect, influence which women exert in poUtios. 

7. Queen Victoria, whose opinions on public questions have a value no 
one will deny, spoke of ** woman's rights" as a ** mad wicked folly " and 
expressed the opinion that " women are not made for governing.*' 

8. The " supreme law," the safety of the State, would be imperilled by 
the grant of women suffrage. 

9. It is the proper function of females to bear children, not arms, and 
women not being capable of bearing arms are not qualified for full 
citizenship, since force is the ultimate basis of all government. 

10. The establishment of women's suffrage would weaken the power 
of the Empire throughout the world, and especially in India, which 
at any rate is admittedly held by force of arms. 

11. If our position amongst other nations in trade and politics is to be 
maintained a virility equal to that of our most formidable competitors 
must be displayed, and woman suffrage would impair the virility of our 
national policy. 

12. Questions with which Parliament has to deal — the administration 
of the Empire, the Army, the Navy, peace and war— lie without the 
legitimate sphere of women's influence. 

18. There is no such thing as a right to a vote ; it is a privilege given 
to the citisen, not for his private benefit, but to be exercised for the good 
of the State. 

14. Once the principle is admitted, women must be enfranchised upon 
the same conditions as men, otherwise the desired equality will not be 

15. The approach of adult suffrage in the near future is an insuperable 
objection to women's suffrage, which would necessarily involve the en- 
franchisement of all women. 

16. As women outnumber men by 1,800,000, women under adult 
suffrage would be in a majority, and the government of. the Empire 
would be placed under the pot^itial, possible, or actual control of women. 

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17. Popular goyemment obtains its strength from the belief that 
existing laws are sanctioned by a majority of the men, who would If 
necessary fight to enforce them ; but laws made by a majority of women 
would not have this power behind them, since women could not secure 
obedience by the exercise of force. 

18* Oompetency to vote involves competency to sit in Parliament. 
Women who make, must be competent to act as, members. There 
can remain no sex disability in public life if the right to vote be granted, 
and women would have to be placed on an equality with men in respect of 
entrance to Parliament, the Cabinet, the Judiciary, and the Civil Service. 

19. The franchise has never yet been extended to persons who are 
generally indifferent about receiving it, and the majority of women are 
indifferent, if not actuaUy hostile. Suffragists are not representative 
women ; on the contrary, in proportion as women desire to assume the 
functions of men, they are unrepresentative of their own, and approxi- 
mate to Plato's third or androgynous, sex. There is no one witness who 
can assert that among the women he knows suffragists are other than a 
small, generally an infinitesimal, minority. 

20. A large number of women have shown themselves actually opposed 
to the suffrage, as is shown (1) by the activity of the National League for 
Opposing Woman Suffrage, which has 110 branches and 16,000 paying 
members ; (2) by the anti-suffrage petition containing upwards of 320,000 
women's signatures ; and (3) by the results of the canvass of women 
municipal voters, carried out by the above organisation. 

21. Enfranchisement of women in a restricted degree would largely 
exclude those who are the better citizens— wives and mothers— and only 
give political power to the single women, who are of less value to the 
State, and less representative of their sex. 

22. Under all proposals for a restricted franchise for women, marriage 
is, except under certain exceptional circumstances, a disqualification ; but 
marriage is not a disqualification for men. True equality, therefore, 
is not established. 

23. Women who enjoy the municipal vote make but little use of their 
power, showing thereby a want of enthusiasm even in the exercise of the 
fraiichise they do possess. 

24. Since women have the municipal vote, they are eligible for seats 
upon most local bodies, which deal with questions particularly affecting 
the interests of their sex, such as housing, education, care of children, 
poor law, and the like problems. 

25. The possession of personal freedom is of much greater value than 
the possession of a political right such as the vote. 

26. The action of Parliament shows that the interests of women are 
perfectly safe in the hands of men. Enormous improvements have been 
made in the status of women during the last thirty years, though women 
have been without the parliamentary vote. 

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27. The Married Women's Property Aots, 1870 to 1892, have removed 
almost every grievance in respect of property of which women could 

28. The code of laws regulating employment in factories and workshops, 
and dealing with industrial economy, shows that Parliament is fully 
determined to protect women workers. 

29. The enfranchisement of women will not raise the moral and social 
standard of the country, which is created and maintained not hy laws 
hut hy puhlic opinion. 

30. The rate of wages in no way depends upon the parliamentary 
vote, hut upon the law of supply and demand, the power of Trade 
Unions, and the capacity of the individual worker. 

31. The lower rate of wages ruling in respect of female labour is due 
to woman's comparative physical weakness, physical unfitness for certain 
kinds of labour, numerical preponderance, and to the possibility which 
is ever present of her exchanging, at any moment, work for marriage. 

82. Agricultural wages between 1850 and 1878 increased by 48 per 
cent., but agricultural labourers had no votes until 1884; and during 
the last thirty years, when they had the vote, their wages have increased 
by only 9 per cent. 

33. The average advance in wages in the textile trades between 1886 
and 1906 was about 16 per cent, for men and 18 per cent, for women. 

34. The United Kingdom being the centre of a vast Empire, with 
world-wide responsibilities, the admission of women to the franchise 
therein allows of no comparison with the like concession in other 
countries, in which the problems of Qovemment are of a more domestic 
and less complicated character. 

35. The four States of the United States of America which alone, 
till Washington recently joined them, have adopted women's suffrage are 
amongst the most backward in the Union-— one of them being Utah. 

36. In another, Colorado, some of the most prominent women suffra- 
gists have, after actual experience of its working, become opponents of 
the suffrage, which has by no means resulted in the acquisition by women 
of any advantages in respect of social and domestic conditions over those 
possessed by their sisters in non-suffrage States. 

87. The Eight Hours Bill which the miners got by their parliamentary 
power has proved a fatal gift, and is likely to be their own undoing. 
Witness the resulting strife, strikes, distress, and disturbance in South 
Wales, directly due to this unfortunate Act. 

38. The votes of the House of Commons in favour of women's suffrage 
have represented not the opinions, but the fears, weakness, and com- 
plaisance of members of Parliament, and their readiness to surrender 
to agitation, which is the prevailing principle of government, or at any 
rate of governors, in our own time. 

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Abgumbnts Fob and Aqainst Plubal Voting. 


1. The principle of *' one man, one vote *' hae no place in our Byitcm, 
which is based on the representation of localitiei. 

2. If a man has an interest in two or more looalltieB, he has conse- 
quently the right to a vote in each one of such localities. 

3. University representation enables eminent men — scholars and 
scientists — to get into the House of Commons, who are unfit for, and 
would not succeed in, the rough-and-tumble of an c»rdinary electoral 

4. Abolition of the plural voter is merely a party plank in Liberal 
policy, because Liberals believe that he is usually a political opponent. 

6. The machinery of Liberal Bills dealing with the question was 
imw<»kable, and would only have caused endless confusion. 

6. In practice it is found that franchise reform must be dealt with 
as a whole, and not piecemeal. 

7. The principle '* one man, one vote " does, or should, also involve 
the complementary principle of ** one vote, one value." 

8. Equal electoral districts must be establudied if the latter principle 
is to be adopted. Consequently no measure to abolish plural voting 
could produce perfect equality unless it were accompanied by a Bedis- 
tribution Bill. 

9. Constitutional practice also requires that alterations in the franchise 
should synchronise with redistribution of seats. 

10. Landed property necessarily and inevitably gives occupation to 
folks residing in the locality in which it is situated ; it cannot, like 
coital in money and shares, be transferred elsewhere ; it cannot be 
concealed and cannot evade payment of rates and taxes. It is therefore 
peculiarly and exceptioually fair that its possession should qualify the 
owner for a vote. 


1. A citiien ^ould have one vote, and only one vote. 

2. That he should have more than one vote is inconsistent with 
democratic and popular government. 

3. The plural vote gives undue power to the owners of landed property. 

4. It is illogical since it gives a man with his property scattw^d over 
many constituencies more votes than an owner whose land is in one 
constituency, although the latter may own many more acres. 

5. If property is to have special privileges, votes should be allowed in 
proportion to income. 

6. The franchise should be attached to the man as a citizen and not 
to his house or land. 

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7. The praotioe of giving the borough freeholder a vote in a neighbour- 
ing coimty constituenoy swamps local residential opinion, and prevents 
public opinion from obtaining acceptance. 

8. Tb/b true voice of the nation is obscured by persons voting two, 
three, or more times in different oonstituencies. 

9. The principle of " one man, one vote ** having been already adopted 
in local government elections, plural voting should be abolished in 
parliamentary elections. 

10. Opposition to such abolition on the part of (jonservatives and 
Unicmista is mainly based on the fetct that the plural vote is of consider- 
able political advantage to them, and secures them seats which they 
could not hope to hold if the real local opinion of such constituencies 
was allowed to prevail. 

ABeuMBKTs Fob and Against Proportional 


1. If the House of Gommons is to be truly representative of the 
popuhur will, it must contain representatives of aJl sections of opinion in 
proportion to their strength in the country. 

2. This is not secured by the present system, under which a majority 
of members in the House of Gommons does not necessarily represent the 
majority of the votes cast in the collective constituencies.f 

3. Under the present system there are often sweeping changes in the 
composition of the House of Gommons, and its efficiency is lessened by 
the rejection of experienced members. 

4. These imdesirable and exaggerated changes would be reduced to 
smaller proportions by the adoption of the Transferable Vote. 

5. The minority, which is to-day entirely unrepresented in a con- 
itituency^ though it may only poll a few votes less than the majority, 
would receive fair representation, and its siqiporters would have more 
effectual interest in politics. 

6. The adoption of this method would give independent candidates an 
opportunity of entering the House of Gommons, and their presence would 
be a distinct gain to the cause of good government since they would be 
prepared to support or oppose measures on the merits and not lor party 

7. Such adoption would widen the freedom of choice for an elector, 
whose selection is now usually confined to one of two candidates. 

* The Transferable Vote—the proposal of the Proportional Bepresenta- 
tion Society, 
t In 1874 and 1886. See Cd. 6168, par. 89. 

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8. And would abolish the existing and undesirable power of a small 
well-organised body in a oonstituency to control an election. 

9. Proportional representation would place it beyond the reach of a 
candidate to secure a victory by sedulously ** nursing " a constituency, 

10. And would fetcilitate redistribution by reducing the number of 


1. There is little in the argument that a minority of votes may produce 
a majority in the House of Ck>nmLons, since calculations of voting strength 
must be inaccurate owing to the existence at every election of uncontested 

2. A small difference in the number of votes polled may consequently 
indicate a considerable change of feeling in the country. 

3. Since proportional representation would tend to reduce party 
majorities its adoption would give independent sections too great power, 
by placing the existence of a Government entirely in their hands> when 
the difference between the two large parties was small. 

4. This would make for instability of government, and encourage 
undesirable bargaining and intriguing between parties. 

5. Excessive majorities are not necessarily an evil since they produce 
strength and independence. They are better than insufficient majorities 
which must lead to weak government. 

6. By the adoption of proportional representation the pressure of small 
sections would only be removed from the constituencies to the House of 
Commons, where their influence would be more effective and more 

7. Parliamentary government as at present practised would be 
impossible, and there would be either a frequent change of administrations 
or a separation of Parliament from the executive. 

8. Sectional interests are fully represented at present by men who own 
allegiance to one or other of the large parties. 

9. While proportional representation might secure the election of a few 
men of distinction, who would not or could not accept the general discipline 
of a party, it would also promote the election of cranks and faddists, 
whose presence by no means increases the efficiency of Parliament. 

10. Confusion would result from a list of ten to twenty names being 
submitted to the electors for their choice. 

11. Greater power would accrue to party managers, since the majority 
of the electors would vote as they were instructed. 

12. By the consequent adoption of larger constituencies the cost of 
elections for small psjrties and independent candidates would be so much 
increased that such parties and candidates would find it more difficult 
than they do at present to contest seats. The system would introduce 
undesirable rivalry between men of the same pwrty, since considerable 

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i, personal advantage would result from the order in which the party 

managers indicated their opinion of the eligibility of the candidates. 
j, 18. The sense of exelosive responsibility for the aftairs of his constitu- 

^' enoy on the part of the member would be removed, and constituents would 

J not have, as they now have, a feeling of personal possession in their 


14. The elector would lose his personal interest in the contest if it 
extended over a wide area and concerned candidates of whom he had no 
^ personal knowledge; hia interest in politics in general would also 
^ dixttinisli. 


Adult Sttffbaob. 

r^ Information respecting the subjects treated in this chapter is for the 

^ most part to be found in the publications of various leagues and associ- 

^ ations. Adult snSrage is advocated by the Adult Suffrage Society (122, 

^ Qower-street, W.G.), from which information may be obtained. 

^ Women's Sutfbaob. 

^ The number of women's suffrage associations is legion. Some are only 

organisations representing a special section of women suffragists : others 

d^ are of a more general character. Of these the longest established is the 
E<^^ National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (Parliament Chambers, 

3^^ Great Smith Street, Westminster, S.W.). It uses moderate methods. 
Tht militant organisations are the National Women's Social and Political 

fKS^ Union (4, Clement's Inn, W.C.) and the Women's Freedom League 

j^ (1, Robert Street, Adelphi, W.C). Literature on the question can be 
obtained from all these bodies. They publish also weekly papers — ^the 

^^ N.U.W.S.S. The Common Cause, the W.S.P.U. Votes for Women, 
and the Women's Freedom League The Vote. Of more lasting contri- 
butions in favour of the suffrage mention may be made of Laurence 
Housmon's ** Articles of Faith in the Freedom of Women " and Misf 
Sylvia Pankhurst's history of the movement, <*The Suffragette." A 

^ pamphlet in defence of the Conciliation Bill is published by H. N. 

^^ Brailsford (The Garden City Press, Ltd., Letchworth). Beference should 
also be made to the debates on the question in the House of Commons, 

^^is/if^ the latest being on May 5, 1911. The publications of the Conservative 
and Unionist Women's Franchise Association (48, Dover Street, W.) 

t^e cf^' should be consulted by those who want a Conservative view of the question. 

^50^ Literature generally can be obtained from The Women's Press, the 

^ literature department of the Women's Social and Political Union (166, 

. '^^ Charing Cross Road, W.C). Opposition to the grant of the vote to women 
.Q^ comes from the National League for Opposing Women Suffrage (Cazton 

' 18 

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Hoosa, WestmiiiBter, S.W.). It paUi^es a monthly periodical, the 
Anti-Suffrage B^view, and nomerooB leaflets and pamphlets. Among 
the more detailed publications against woman sofErage are " The Woman 
M.P. " by A. G. Gronno, and ** Letters to a Friend on Votes for Women " 
by Prof. A. V. Dicey. 

Plubal Votzko. 

Information respecting plural voting is best obtained from the debates 
in the House of Oommons and House of Lords on the Plural Voting Bill» 
1906. The Liberal Publication Department (42, Parliament Street, S.W.) 
and the publication department of the Unionist Party (St. Stephen's 
Ohambers, Westminster, S.W.) also supply material. 

EiaoTOBiL Bbvobk. 

The Second Ballot, the Altematiye Vote, and other schemes which 
have been suggested for the reform of our system of representation, are 
examined in detail in the Beport of the Electoral Beform Commission 
(Cd. 6168). The Beport also explains and examines the arguments for 
and against the various schemes of proportional representation. The 
system of the Single Transferable Vote is that advocated by the Pro- 
portional Bepresentation Society (179, St. Stephen's House, Westminster, 
S.W.) Literature on the subject may be obtained upon application to 
the Secretary. The Honorary Secretary, Mr. J. H. Humphreys, has 
written the authoritative explanation of the system — "Proportional 
Bepresentation : a Study in Methods of Election " — which should be 

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THE inconvenience attaching to the use of party labels is 
oonspicnously illustrated in dealing with the Home Bule 
question. Ask what is meant by the term " Home Bule," 
and the definitions will vary from '* a subordinate legislature 
in Dublin as part of a general scheme of devolution" to 
" an independent Irish Parliament such as our self-governing 
Dominions enjoy." Ask again why Home Bule is necessary, 
and the reasons given will range from "the necessity of 
relieving the congestion of business in the Imperial Parlia- 
ment" to "the just recognition of Ireland's right to be a 

Thb Libsbal ABauMBNT FOB Bbitish Elsotobs. 

The Liberal Party hold out to the British elector as the 
greatest inducement to agree to Home Bule that it will mean 
removing discontented Irishmen from the Imperial Parliament 
and allowing it to conduct its own business after its own 
fashion, without the disturbance which the presence of a 
solid vote of eighty Irish Nationalists occasions. Home Bule 
would, in fact, make the British people masters in their own 
Parliament, and make it impossible for a British Government 
to be subject, as it now is, to the dictation of an Irish party. 

Half-mbabubb Usslbsb fob this Pubposb. 

Agre3ing that^his is afmost desirable end, the question is : 
How can it be attained ? Clearly enough if it is to be brought 
about by the grant of Home Bule, such Home Bule must be of 
a character that will once and for all satisfy the Irish Nationa- 
list demand. A half -measure which failed in this behalf would 

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b6 useless, for although it might reduce, or even abolish, Irish 
Nationalist representation at Westminster, the Irish Nationa- 
list party possessed of the power and authority of a Parliament 
at Dublin could exercise an undesirable and dangerous in- 
fluence over British and Imperial affairs during a period of 
national crisis.'*' Since, then, the form of Home Rule granted 
must be acceptable to Irish Nationalists if the question is to be 
settled — and if it is not settled the only argument in favour of 
Home Rule which appeals to the British people disappears — an 
attempt must be made to discover the kind of Home Rule which 
would once and for all time satisfy the Nationalist demand. 
When the investigation is complete, and a solution has been 
reached, there arises for British electors the duty of answering 
the not less difficult question. Is it a solution which is compa- 
tible with Imperial interests? Even peace between the two 
islands, which is so eminently desirable, may be purchased 
at too high a price. 

What is Meant by Homb Rule? 

Liberals, then, may prepare and propose Home Rule Bills, 
but it is the Irish Nationalist Party which has to be satisfied. 
What would they regard as a full, final, and satisfactory settle- 
ment of the question ? It is impossible to give a straight, simple, 
and unqualified answer. Prolific though the Nationalists are 
of projects of legislation, they have never cast into legislative 
shape a Home Rule scheme that would satisfy their own 
demands. This unusual reluctance is significant of difficulty 
which others experience in still greater degree, and the only 
way of solution is to proceed by elimination. The Irish Council 

* The action of the Home ^.-ole Parliament if Great Britain were in- 
volved in war would be of serious import. So far Irish Home Rulers hava 
always opposed Great Britain and her allies. The Mahdi, the Boers, the 
Indian and Egyptian Nationalisti have aU at one time or another received 
the patronage and assistance of the Irish iTationalist Party. If they were 
in a majority in the Home Rule Parliament their action might cause con- 
siderable harm. They could refuse supplies, pass resolutions in support 
of the causa of Britain's enemiei, and even offer c6-operation and assist- 
ance. Having regard to their past conduct it is difficult to believe tiiat 
they would act differently in fatur«. 

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Bill was rejected, and Lord Dunraven's scheme of Devolution 
was not accepted. What, then, of the two Home Bills ? Mr. 
Redmond has quoted Parnell's description of the former as ** an 
instalment of our rights,*'* and of the latter he has him- 
self said, " No man in his senses would regard it as a full, 
a final, or a satisfactory settlement of the Irish Nationalist 
question."! The word "provisional," he added, had been 
stamped in red ink across every page. It might be urged 
that Mr. Redmond's views had recently undergone a change, 
and that he and his party are now prepared to accept what 
they previously rejected ; but he denies that Irish Nationalist 
opinion has undergone any change. :[ The chief argument 
in favour of the two former Home Rule Bills disappears, 
for on Mr. Redmond's own showing they will result in no 
settlement. The Gladstonian plan does not go far enough, 
and there is need of a greater surrender. But from a greater 
surrender the Coalition Ministry may perhaps shrink. 

The Doctrine op Nationality. 

The reason the Gladstonian plan failed to be regarded as 
a settlement is not far to seek. It lies in the fact that 
the Irish Nationalist demand is based upon nationality. 
"Ireland a nation once again" is the hope of the future, and 
all Liberal plans fail as a full settlement, because they set up 
in Dublin a legislature which is subordinat-e to, and the creation 

* ** I remember when Parnell was asked whether he would, on behalf of 
the United Nationalist nation that he represented, accept as a final settle- 
ment the Home Bule compromise proposed by Gladstone. I remember 
his answer. He said, ' I believe in the policy of taking from England any- 
thing we can wring from her which will strengthen our arms to go on for 
more. I will accept the Home Bule compromise of Gladstone as an instal- 
ment of our rights, but I refuse to say that it is a final settlement of the 
national question, and I declare that no man shaU set a boundary on the 
onward march of the nation.* That is our motto " (Mr. John Bedmond, 
M.P., at Newry, June 16, 1897). 

t House of Commons, August 30, 1898. 

X "1 stand on the question of Home Bule precisely where PameU stood. 
I have not receded, and never will recede an inch, from the position 
he took up '* (interview in Chicago, Cork Exammer, October 19, 1910). 

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of, the Imperial Parliament at Westminster. This is only a 
step towards the recognition of Irish "nationality." Full 
recognition would be accompanied by a definite act of renunci- 
ation on the part of the Imperial Parliament of any right 
of control over, or interference with, internal and external Irish 

A Qualified Aooeptanob. 

Since no Irish Nationalist supposes that Great Britain would 
consent to so complete a surrender a smaller concession is 
suggested. The proposed Home Rule Parliament would at 
any rate be a recognition of the principle, though in a restricted 
form, and it would afford the Irish Nationalists a firm base for 
future operations. Although Irish Nationalists under Liberal 
influence are other than frank and open in their speeches be- 
fore British audiences, even posing as Imperialists,^^ they have 
to be, and are, refreshingly outspoken in the United States. 
The feeling of hatred against Great Britain is strong among 
Irish-Americans, who are somewhat contemptuous of the 
** constitutional movement," the efficacy of which they doubt. 
Hence Irish Nationalists on tour in the United States boast of 
what they have made the Imperial Parliament do for Ireland, 
and complain in Great Britain that Ireland cannot obtain the 
reforms so necessary for her prosperity until Home Rule is 
granted.! Proofs of the work they have accomplished are very 
necessary in the United States, for without the financial assist- 
ance of the Irish- Americans the pfkrty would be bankrupt. | 

* ** Whose Empire is this ? Yours ? Ko ; it is ours as well as yours. 
. . . We, as Irishmen, are not prepared to surrender our share in the 
heritage which our lathers created*' (Mr. John Bedmond, M.P., at 
Woodford, May 27, 1911). 

t Cf. Mr. John Bedmond's speech at Detroit {Irish World, Novembers, 
1910), putting before his audience " in plain, business-like language what 
the last ten years has accomplished for Ireland," with the terms of 
the Home Bule resolution in the House of Commons on March SO, 1906, 
that the present system of Irish Qovemment <* is incapable of satisfactorily 
promoting the material and intellectual progress of the people." 

{ *' The Irish National Party would have been bankrupt in this election 
were it not (or the sucoess of his [Mr. T. P. O'Connor's] mission" 
(Mip. John Bedmond, l^LP., in Dublin, February 10, 1910.) 

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But such aid is not given to make Ireland a loyal constituent 
of the British Empire, but a ** nation/' for, although the way be 
long, that is the ultimate goal. Members of the Irish Nationa- 
list Party have time and again explained their tactics, and assured 
their Irish-American audiences that the final object to be 
attained is ''separation.'*"^ 

It is well understood by Irish-Americans that references to 
the glories of the British Empire, apparent acceptance of a 
restricted Home Rule Bill, promises of future loyalty and con- 
tentment, are part of the game of deluding the " Saxon swine," 
as the Irish Nationalist song has it, into granting Home Rule. 

If Irish-Americans thought otherwise there would be no 
subscriptions, and the present leaders of the Nationalist Party 
would be swept away, to be replaced by men who would act 
up to the old ideal of Separation. 

The calculating British mind rejects Separation as imprac- 
ticable, and assumes that Irish Nationalists will never be so 
foolish as to reject the material advantages of the connection 
with Great Britain for the sake of the ideal of Irish nationality. 
So far as many of the rank and file are concerned there may 
be ground for this feeling, for Home Rule never gained popular 
strength until it was linked with agrarian agitation. The land 
question having been settled in more than one-half of Ireland, 
and being in a fair way toward settlement over the rest of the 
country, one great argument for Home Rule has disappeared.! 

* ** When equipped with oomparative freedom then would be the time 
for those who think we should destroy the last link that binds us to 
England to operate by whatever means they think best to achieve 
that great and desirable end. I am quite sure I speak for the United Irish 
League on this matter '' (Mr. Joe Devlin, M.P., New York, Jane, 1902). 

<• The message we bear is from the iliustrious leader of our purty, John 
Bedmond. If there is any man who says to us as representing that 
parliamentary movement, * I don't believe in your parliamentary ideas, I 
don't accept Home Bule, I go beyond it. I believe in an independent 
nation,' if any man says this, I say that we don't disbelieve in it. These 
are our tactics ; and if you are to take a fortress first take the outer works *' 
(Prof. £ettle,New York, November, 1906). 

t Other remedial legislation and administration is removing many 
legitimate grievances, and lessening the force of former arguments for 
Home Bule. 

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Bat although it may be assumed that the desire for Home 
Rule is weakened as a result, the question has not been put 
to the proof, and the Irish Nationalist leaders do not admit 
that any change has occurred in the opinions of their followers. 
Material improvement they agree has been made in Irish 
conditions ; but they deny that any lasting settlement can be 
effected until Home Rule has been granted.'*' They declare 
the spirit of nationaUty to be so strong that Irishmen would 
abandon all the material advantages which the present 
connection with Great Britain brings for a measure of national 

These may be platform heroics, but they are the declara- 
tions of the accepted leader of the Irish Home Rule Party. 
Their accuracy may be doubted ; but so long as Mr. Redmond 
is regarded as the spokesman of Irish Home Rule they must 
be accepted. Since he advances the doctrine of nationality 
as the real argument for Home Rule,t the ultimate aim must 
be separation and independence; nothing less can satisfy 
the ideal, ''Ireland a nation once again«" 

* ** Without freedom, aU these great concessions are practically value- 
less, or, at any rate, such value as they possess is to be found in the fact 
that they strengthen the arm of the Irish people, and push on to the great 
goal of national independence " (Mr. John Redmond, M.P., at the Buffalo 
Convention, Freeman* 8 Journal, October 13, 1910). 

t "But the soul of this Irish movement has been the spirit of 
nationality. Ireland would prefer rags and poverty rather than to 
surrender her national spirit" (Mr. John Bedmond, M.P., at Buffalo, 
Freeman^s Journal^ October 13, 1910). 

I All other arguments for Home Bule are subordinate to the argument 
of nationality. This was recognised by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, 
who said, *' Good government could never be a substitute for government 
by the people themselves ** (Stirling, November 23, 1905). His words are 
constantly quoted with approval by Irish Nationalists. Liberals assume 
that this policy applies only to domestic afiairs, such as education, land, 
&o. ; but no country possesses real self-government unless it is at liberty 
to conduct its own foreign policy, make its own treaties, provide its own 
means of defence, and control its own customs. Not to grant these 
powers is to deny nationality. A claim for self-government based upon 
nationality cannot be satisfied with less than independence in all matters, 
internal and external. 

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False Analogies. 

All schemes of Home Rule which involve the maintenance 
of connection with, or control, by Great Britain consequently 
fail to satisfy the Nationalist demand. To describe Home 
Rule as an extension to Ireland of our system of Colonial 
self-government is entirely without justification. No British 
dominion ever received self-government on the ground that it 
had the right to be regarded as a separate nation. The grant 
in such cases was dictated by geographical reasons, distance 
from Westminster making representation in Parliament from 
the Colonies an impossibility. But this condition does not 
apply to Ireland. To advocate Irish, from the analogy of 
Imperial, Home Rule is no more than a specious attempt to 
gain support for an unpopular policy by ascribing to it 
attributes, which it does not possess. 

It is in the same way altogether absurd to compare Irish 
Home Rule with the federation of our self-governing 
dominions. The legislatures of these federal systems have 
no national attributes, but are subordinate to the central 
Parliament, and subject to its control. The object of their 
establishment is good government and not self-government."^ 

Irish Home Rule cannot be comj)ared with the federal 
systems of the British Empire, since the latter imply no 
recognition of the principle of nationality. But it is perfectly 
possible to have a federal system consisting of a number of 
nationalities, who mutually agree among themselves to estab- 
lish a central Parliament for the whole group, with local 
legislatures for the different constituent parts. In this case 

* Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P., is the only prominent Nationalist who has 
identified the Nationalist demand with provincial Home Bule. In Ganada 
he expressed approval <* of a federal scheme of government for the British 
Isles, such as the Provinces of Ganada enjoy under a central (Government ^' 
(Ottawa, Octoher 4, 1910). A year before he was talking advanced 
Nationalism in the United States, and his sndden conversion is unex- 
plained. That his speeches cannot be regarded as anthoritative may he 
gathered from the fact that no Nationalist leader has ever thought it 
necessary to support or repudiate them, and the mere report that Mr. 
Redmond was expressing the same views led to specific denials from his 
colleagues and himself. 

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the negotiatioiis are oonduoted by the various nationalities on 
terms of equality, and no one surrenders its own individuality 
but merely agrees for good and sufficient reasons to merge its 
separate existence into a joint system. By an express pro- 
vision in the Constitution or by the demand of its own 
nationals it could resume its existence as a separate and 
independent nation. 

Sbpabation must bb Faobd. 

The very fact that Irish Home Bulers insist upon the recog- 
nition of Irish nationality shows that they have this situation 
in their minds. They must negotiate with the Imperial Par- 
liament upon terms of equality, though conditions may exist 
at any particular juncture, which make it unwise for them to 
insist at once upon a complete recognition of their rights. 
They may accept a Liberal Home Bule Bill as an instalment 
of their claim, but they would expressly or mentally reserve to 
themselves the right to dissolve the partnership whenever 
renunciation appeared to be advantageous to their cause. 
Consequently no Home Bule Bill on Gladstonian lines could 
be regarded as a final settlement of the question, unless it 
were accompanied by a solemn renunciation of nationality on 
the part of the Irish Home Bulers.* 

Without such renunciation the right to claim nationality 
could be exercised at any time, and the Home Bule question 
would on such occasions be reopened in a critical form. The 
danger is not imaginary. On the contrary, the Irish Home 
Rulers have openly declared that they intend at some future 
date to claim independence.! 

Since, however, the only argument for Home Bule which 

* Mr. Bedmond, it U true, would give the Imperial Parliament an 
« over-riding authority." But this is not, as might be supposed, a 
renunciation of nationality, for the Irish Nationalists would still be 
represented at Westminster. Besides, Mr. Bedmond in 1892 required in 
the Home Bule Bill ** a clause specifically imdertaking that while the 
Irish Parliament continued in existence the powers of the Imperial Par- 
liament to legislate for Ireland should never be used " (House of Gommons, 
August 8, 1892). 

t See footnote, p. 268. 

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can appeal to Great Britain is that a settlement is desirable, 
and since a final settlement cannot be obtained with less than 
the grant of independence, Great Britain has to face[the qaes« 
tion of acceding to separation, if not immediately, at any rate 
in the future, as a logical development of the^grant of Home 
Rule. But separation is declared even by Home Rulers, 
whether or not upon a deliberate judgment on the^issues, to 
be "tmthinkable";''' and, indeed, no one can deny that an 
independent Ireland would most prejudicially afifect our 
standing in world-politics, and enormously increase the burden 
of our defensive armaments. So little should we be in a 
position to allow separation, that we should be compelled^ 
for the sake of our national existence, to regain control of 
Ireland by force of arms. In short, the belief of Unionists 
in Great Britain in respect of Home Rule is, that the grant of 
even a moderate measure of self-government would only be a 
first step towards a demand for separation, to which they 
not only could not accede, but which they must resist, if 
necessary by force. 

Unionist Poliot not Nbgativb. 

This attitude does not preclude the recognition by Unionists 
of Irish grievances, and the adoption of the measures 
necessary for their removal, and the passing of such measures 
implies no admission of the justice of the demand for Home 
Rule, but only the recognition of the position of Ireland as a 
partner in the great British firm. If the right of Ireland to 
govern herself were recognised, Unionists might let her work 
out her own salvation. As, however, they regard the sister 
island only as an integral part of the United Edngdom, they, 
are willing to take steps to improve her economic condition, 
just as they would in such circumstances that of England, 
Wales, and Scotland. Although Unionism ofiers an uncom- 
promising negative to any recognition of the justice of the 
demand for Home Rule, Unionist policy has produced an 
improvement in Irish conditions, to participation in which 
Nationalififm and Liberalism have no claim. The reason is no 
* Mr. Lloyd George, M.P., at BeUatt, February 8, 1907. 

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far to seek. It is the declared policy of the Nationalists that 
Home Rule alone can bring prosperity to Ireland ; while 
Liberalism has placed Home Rule in the forefront of its Irish 
policy, and necessarily devotes all the attention it can give to 
Irish affairs to effecting this constitutional change. Unionism 
being without this all-absorbing preoccupation is free to devote 
its energies to economic legislation and administration. It is 
therefore by no means matter for astonishment that such 
amelioration as has been effected in Irish economic and 
administrative conditions is due to Unionist action. 

Land Rbfobm and Development. 

This is conspicuously the case with the settlement of the 
question of questions, that of the land. The Liberal Acts 
were failures so far as a settlement was concerned. Attempt- 
ing as a main principle to alter the relations between landlord 
and tenant, while preserving the existing system, they have 
been productive chiefly of litigation and bad husbandry. As 
they put forward land purchase only as a subsidiary policy, 
their proposals were naturally attended by little success. On 
the other hand, the Unionist Party, realising that the discon- 
tent would only be ended by an entire change of proprietor- 
ship, boldly adopted this policy,"^ with the result that the old 
quarrel between landlord and tenant is practically dead.t 

Concurrently with the development of land purchase the 
Unionists have carried out a programme of economic develop- 
ment. In some parts of the country the latter policy has 
been enforced by wholly State agency, but the activities of 
private individuals, never wholly absent, have in recent years 
assumed greater prominence. The doctrine of *' self-help" 
which teaches Irishmen to work out their own economic 

* The Ashbourne Acts, 1885 and 1888, the Land Act of 1896, and the 
Wyndham Act of 1903, were all Unionist measures devoted to land 

t Where agrarian disorder now exists it is not generaUy a dispute 
between the large landowner and his tenants, but between the farmer 
and men who want his land. The farmers, no doubt, are often owners, 
but of a different class from those against whom the agrarian agitation 
was originally directed. 

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salvation is being learned by degrees, to the disgust of the 
Home Rulers, who would make everything dependent upon 
the adoption of their own panacea. 

The earliest incident in the programme of economic develop- 
ment was the establishment of the Congested Districts Board 
in 1891, which was followed by the creation, in 1899, of the 
Department of Agriculture, and both Board and Department 
have triumphantly emerged from official inquiries into their 
administrative record.* 

The Irish congested district presented a picture of hopeless 
poverty, agricultural ignorance, and individual apathy, before 
which any administrator might despair. At the beginning it 
was necessary to exercise a paternal supervision over those 
whose condition the Board sought to improve. " Spoon- 
feeding" was essential; and although that phase has not 
entirely passed away, the Board has now been able to divert 
its energies towards the establishment of a gigantic scheme of 
land settlement in the West of Ireland.! Later came the 
Department of Agriculture, designed to teach Irishmen the 
principles of that industry, | which had succeeded in effecting 
a revolution in many rural districts, and in making the new land- 
owners appreciate the responsibilities of their novel position. 

Outside the direct action of the State other organisations 
have been established to teach Irishmen the doctrine of 
"self-help," the best known of which is the Irish Agricul- 
tural Organisation Society, possessed, with its kindred associa- 
tions, of over 91,000 members and boasting an annual turnover 
of nearly £2,400,000. § This society teaches the value of 

• The Dudley Commission was appointed in 1906 to report upon the 
operations of the Congested Districts Board, and its relations with the 
Department of Agricoltare, &o. Its final report was issued in 1908 
(Cd. 4097). A Departmental Committee inquired into the working of the 
Department jof Agriculture, and reported in 1907 (Cd. 3572). 

f By the Land Act, 1909. See also Beport of Dudley Commission 
(Cd. 4097). 

I The Department was estahlished as the result of a conference of all 
parties known as the **Bece83*' Committee, which met in the parlia- 
mentary ** Becess " of 1895. 

I ^Annual Beport, 1910. Appendix Q. xi. 

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oo-operation among farmers and agrionlturists. A later 
movement, more particularly affecting Irish manufacturers, is 
that of the Industrial Development Associations, which have 
been established in order to interest the Irish people, by 
means of exhibitions and other methods of advertisement, in 
articles of Irish manufacture, and to persuade them to buy 
Irish, in preference to foreign-made, goods. So successful 
have these movements been, that they have gained the support 
of all parties, irrespective of politics. They are chiefly remark- 
able, however, as practical and unequivocal evidence of a 
repudiation of the Nationalist theory that Home Rule comes 
first, and that there can be no real progress in Ireland until it 
is i|ecured. 

Nationalist Attitude Towabdb "Selp-hblp." 

So far as the Irish Parliamentary Party is concerned the 
new spirit of self-reliance, developed by Unionist administra- 
tion, has bad an unfortunate effect upon its condition. Living 
as it does upon agitation, and flourishing only when Ireland 
is discontented, its influence has sensibly diminished with 
the increase of prosperity and contentment, and the Irish 
farmer, now the owner of his land, ceases to contribute 
towards agitation. He has gained his hearths desire; he is 
satisfied; and appeals for financial aid to keep the Irish 
Nationalists at Westminster fall on deaf ears. Rather 
does growing appreciation of the root facts of industrial 
economics make him doubt whether Home Rule is after all 
going to be a good thing for his country. It would be an 
exaggeration to say that he is openly hostile, but he is 
apathetic ; and his novel attitude shows itself in his refusal to 
support the Nationalist Party, as he did in the past. 

The Dakqeb of Extbemeb Measubes. 

The result has been to force the Irish Nationalists into a 
position of financial dependence upon the Irish- Americans in 
the United States, and this is in a sense a possible source of 
danger to the United Kingdom, to which the Irish-Americans 
have always shown hostility. The constitutional move- 

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ment for Home Rule has never satisfied^them, and at the 
most they have only agreed to give it a trial, reserving to 
themselves perfect freedom to advocate and support a more 
forcible and strenuous policy, whenever conditions arose which 
made such action possible. Now that the very existence of 
the Irish Nationalist Party depends upon][their pecuniary aid, 
is it at all improbable that they will seek^to^influence or even 
direct its policy? A revival of the policy ^of ^violence and 
outrage and the promotion of discontent in Ireland are the 
obvious lines they would follow, but whether the" now more 
enlightened Irish people would tolerate another "plan of 
campaign," with its notorious methods, can only be a matter 
for speculation. Nothing more contrary to the real interests 
of Ireland could occur than a renewal of the^devastating agita- 
tion of the "eighties." It is said by Liberal Home Rulers 
that the Ireland of our time is a very different country from 
the Ireland of those days, and that is so in a large measure, 
though it would be ignoring facts not to recognise that there 
is in existence to-day in Ireland a considerable body'*' of 
" extremist " opinion, which would only delight to find that 
the constitutional movement had been abandoned in favour 
of the old methods of outrage and violence. Meanwhile the 
Irish Nationalist Party deal gently with the extremists. They 
never rebuke them f ; and indeed sometimes they receive from 
them a reluctant meed of perfunctory approval. 

It must not be imagined that the restricted and limited 

* The Ancient Order of Hibernians, Sinn Fein, and a multitude of 
smaller societies are frankly supporters of separation. They are all, some 
more openly than others, cUsloyal and hostile to everythinjg; British. The 
existence of this body of opinion is brought to pubUo notice by the acts 
of hostility which it instigates against persons suspected of loyalty, and 
the protests it inspires against movements, which are in any way open to 
what it regards as the like objection. Proposals for*presenting addresses 
to the King, or for decorating the streets, have been the object of strenuous 
opposition. These "extremer" bodies hold the Irish Parliamentary 
Party in hearty contempt for, what they hold to be, their Laodicean 

t " If there are men who are more extreme than we are, my prayer for 
them is success to all their ideals and all their hopes" (Mr. John 
Bedmond, M.P., in Dublin, September 1, 1908). 

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Home Rule which would presumably be established by the 
Liberals would allay the ** extremist " movement, which, on 
the contrary, it would be more likely to encourage. Indeed, 
the resulting relationship between the Irish legislature and 
Imperial Parliament would be of such a kind as naturally to 
promote ill-feeling. If the splendid promises of the Home 
Rulers remained unfulfilled and the proi^rity of Ireland failed, 
as it would, to reach the anticipated eminence, what more 
obvious excuse would the Irish Nationalist have than a 
reference to the still existiing connection with Great Britain as 
the cause of all the trouble, trial, and disappointment ? 

Even the best of Constitutions under the most favourable 
circumstances fails to give universal satisfaction. But the 
most that can be said of the Liberal Home Rule Constitution 
from an Irish Nationalist's point of view is, that it amounts 
to an imperfect and unsatisfactory step on the path to 
independence, while in the eyes of the Irish Unionists it is 
a galling proof of the triumph of their foes, and of their 
own abandonment to oppression and injustice. 

Thb Unionist Minority. 

It is the existence of the Irish Unionist minority which 
chiefly complicates the question. If there were a united and 
universal demand for Home Rule from the whole of Ireland 
Great Britain would be in a very different position from that 
which she now occupies in this behalf. But the Unionist 
minority is in numbers, wealth, public position, and com- 
mercial and economic enterprise too imposing to be wholly 
ignored. Representing, as the Unionists do, the most pro- 
gressive section of the inhabitants of the island, their existence 
is a living contradiction of the Nationalist assertion that 
Ireland cannot be commercially and industrially prosperous 
until she gains Home Rule. It is only reasonable to suppose 
that what Unionists have done in Ulster under the Union can 
be accomplished elsewhere in Ireland under the same system 
of government. 

The Irish Unionists, knowing their portion of Ireluid to be 
beyond all measure the most prosperous, are, of course, awsre 

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that they would be called upon to eontribute the largest share 
of the revenue of Home Rule Ireland,* but they also know 
that political conditions in that body politic would never allow 
them to have a controlling voice in the disposal of such revenue. 
There would be no periodical changes of Government such as 
have hitherto at any rate occurred in Great Britain, for they 
would be condemned under Home Rule to be a perpetual and 
powerless minority. 


Such conditions, unfortunate in any cotmtry, would in 
Ireland be doubly disastrous, for not only do the majority 
differ from the Unionists in politics; but there is also a violent 
incompatibility in respect of religion. Great Britain being an 
overwhelmingly Protestant country, no one therein really 
fears, or need fear, Roman Catholic domination. In 
Ireland, however, the effect of Home Rule would be the 
establishment of a Parliament in which Roman Catholics 
would be an immense majority. If such an event were 
possible in Great Britain all Protestants, and above all 
Nonconformist Liberal Home Rulers, would move heaven and 
earth in loud and incessant protest. Is it therefore surprising 
that the religious question looms large in Irish Unionist 
opposition to Home Rule? It is very easy to describe this 
feeling as bigotry; but the Protestant in Great Britain may 
fairly feel his withers are unwrung. It is not that individual 
Roman Catholics are feared or distrusted, but that a natural 
apprehension exists as to the influence the Roman Catholic 
Church would exercise in the administration, and over the 
legislation of a Parliament wherein the majority of repre- 
sentatives belong to her communion. Without arguing the 
question from the experience of Protestants in Roman Catholic 
countries, or travelling beyond the limits of the Irish problem, 
the Protestant in Ireland believes that a Nationalist and 
Roman Catholic majority would be intolerant and would 
deprive him of, or would at least curtail and impair, his civil 

* Of the Irish oontributiou to the Customs reveA^e, for exftoiple, Belfast 
provided £2,206,535 in 1910, out of a total Customs revenue of £d,271,86X« 


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and religious liberty. Irish Nationalists may talk of 
toleration to English audiences, and may even agree to the 
insertion in a Home Rule Bill of such safeguards as the Irish 
Protestant may demand, but these professions leave the latter 
still entrenched in his attitude of opposition and distrust, for 
to put the matter bluntiy, he does not believe in their 
sincerity, but regards them as tactical moves designed to 
influence British opinion. He is convinced that a Nationalist 
majority would never scrupulously respect the rights and 
liberties of a minority. 

Thb Ebab of Intolbbancb. 

What grounds has he for this belief? While historical 
examples of intolerance seem to the British people merely 
characteristic of a past which can never repeat itself, they 
are not without effect upon the attitude of Irish Protestants 
towards Irish Roman Catholics. Sentiment and tradition 
play a large part in Irish political life, and often explain 
situations which otherwise seem incomprehensible. 

Apart, however, from historical evidence, in recent times 
events have occurred which fully justify the fears of Irish 
Protestants. It may be that such are not directly traceable to 
the influence or action of the Roman Catholic Church, but 
to Irish Protestants " Roman Catholic " and " Nationalist " 
are synonymous terms, and they cannot discover where 
political influences end and religious influences begin. 

While Mr. Redmond now promises them toleration under 
Home Rule, Irish Unionists lay greater stress upon their 
actual experiences under local government. Before the 
passing of the Act of 1898 Mr. Redmond was, as now, talking 
expansively of toleration. * But the majority of Irish 
Nationalists were not of this opinion, and through the United 
Irish League they claimed to control the local government 

* We desire toleration in the public life of Ireland. We think that to 
adopt the policy of excluding from these public bodies every man who 
differed from us politicaUy or religioasly would be an absolutely suicidal 
poUcy for Irish NationaUits to adopt *' (l^. John Redmond, M.P., at 
Dublin, Irish Inde^^mdmt^ September 14, 1898). 

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of the eountry, with the result that outside Ulster the Unionist 
county councillor is almost non-existent.* Can Irish Unionists 
be blamed for thinking they would be ''as the simple that 
believeth every word '* if they doubted that the same policy of 
proscription would be applied in respect of representation in 
the Home Rule Parliament? 

It must too be recognised that the Nationalist majority has 
ever shown itself intolerant of a minority, even of their own 
party, and in respect of merely temporary differences of 
opinion. They intimidated, boycotted and persecuted the 
Pamellite minority in the past, and to-day their hostility 
towards the O'Brienites is of the bitterest and most violent 
character. In their agrarian disputes the majority make the 
life of the minority a long torment even now, when there 
is no longer a struggle with big landlords, but with farmers, 
who are of the same class and often of the same religious and 
political creed as themselves. All those cases of boycotting, 
intimidation, and violence which are reported in the Irish Press 
sink deep into the minds of the Irish Unionists, who believe 
that the coercive policy of their opponents will be turned 
against them in full s^ength when the protecting arm of 
the Imperial authority is removed. 

Thb Question of Safequabds. 

Irish Unionists put no faith in the guarantees and safe- 
guards of a Home Rule Bill, knowing that the Nationalist 
majority would easily override any inconvenient provisions of 
the law. They have little confidence in the power of the 
Imperial Parliament to enforce its laws, and none in the will 
or power of a Home Rule Parliament to oppose the wishes of 
the majority for the sake of a Unionist minority. 

Incidents have not been wanting of quite recent date well 
calculated to keep alive their fears. Without dwelling upon 
a notorious case which occurred last year in Belfast, the 
growth of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, a strictly Roman 

* These are 2 in Monster, 12 in Leinster, and 1 in Oonnanght. The 
nomberg of Nationalist county oounciUors are 226 in Munster, 817 in 
Leinster, and 142 in Oonnanght. 

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Catholic orgaaiisation,* believed to largely control the policy 
of the Nationalist Party, has not conduced to the growth of 
a conciliatory attitude between Unionists and Nationalists, 
while the acknowledged leaders of the Roman Catholic Church 
often put forward claims and express intentions which have 
the effect of confirming Unionist hostility to Home Rule. 
What, for instance, is less likely to inspire belief in the 
good faith of the majority than the remark of Cardinal 
Logue, the head of the Irish Roman Catholic Church, at 
Dundalk, to the effect that ''no matter what obstacles the 
Nonconformists of England may have inserted in the constitu- 
tion of the (National) University to keep it from being made 
Catholic, we will make it Catholic in spite of them " ? f Irish 
Unionists may be excused if they foresee the adoption of a 
similar attitude after the establishment of Home Rule in 
respect of any provision of the law relating to religious 
establishments or endowments, or prohibiting interference 
with the free exercise of religious freedom, or dealing with 
any safeguards providing for the protection of the minority, 

HoMB RuLB Inoppobtunb. 

It is impossible for the Liberal Home Rulers to ignore 
this minority, which is convinced that its civil and religious 
liberties are in danger, and is determined to fight to a finish 
not only for its own sake, but also for that for Ireland. 
Progress and prosperity are now apparent throughout the 
country, and the condition of even the poorest districts has 
improved, though much remains to be done. Home Rule 
would check this progress, and fatally impair this growing 
prosperity, to further advance which sufficient money would 

* The Ancient Order of Hibernians is also a Separatist body. Its 
official organ, The Hibernian Journal (March, 1908), describes the 
** national ideal '* of the Order as ** a free and independentlreland, subject 
to no outside control or influence." The fact that the Secretary of the 
United Irish League is President of the Order tends to increase Irish 
Unionist fears that the relationship of the latter to the official 
Nationalist organisation—the United Irish League— is of a most intimate 
character. This body profits to the extent of £16,000 a year by Mr*. 
George's Insurance Act. 

t Dundalk Democrat, June 10, 1911. 

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no more be expected from the meagre revennes of a Dublin 
Parliament, than just and impartial legislation and adminis- 
tration. The transition epoch, in which Irish thought is 
turning from the old policy of constitutional change to the 
new policy of economic progress, seems of all to be the least 
opportune for the establishment of Home Rule upon the old 
lines, the demand for which, far from being universally 
supported by the Irish people, is strenuously opposed by 
a large minority, and regarded with apathy and indifference 
by masses, to whom the doctrine of "self-help" has at 
length made a successful appeal. 

ABaUHBNTS Fob and Agaimst Homb Rulb. 

1. Ireland possesses a distinct nationality and consequently has an 
indefeasible right to govern herself. 

2. Bat she does not now, nor for the immediate future, demand separa- 
tion from Great Britain. 

3. She only seeks the legislative and executive control of all purely Irish 

4. She wants a Gonstitution after the manner of the self-government of 
British Dominions. 

6. She would leave to the Imperial Parliament, wherein she would be 
represented, complete control of Imperial questions. 

6. A grant of self-government of this character would make Ireland 
contented and the Irish loyal citizens of the British Empire. 

7. The happy results of granting self-government to Canada and the 
Transvaal would be reproduced in Ireland. 

8. But the Irish people wiU never be loyal or cease from agitation until 
the present Act of Union is replaced by self-government. 

9. That Act was never accepted by the Irish people, and was only 
passed by methods of corruption. 

10. It established a system of government which does not enjoy the 
confidence of any section of the population. 

11. It deprived Ireland of control over the management of her own 

12. The present system is inefficient and extravagant ; the cost of Irish 
administration being, per head of population, fu in excess of that of 
Scotland, England, and other countries, which may in this behalf 
properly be compared with Ireland, 

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18. Its htige oott is * heaTj drain on ft poor oountiy like Irelftnd, ftnd 
is ftn obstftole to progress ftnd prosperity. 

14. Snoh cost oftn never be rednoed until the Irish people ftre given 
control over their own expenditure. 

16. The present sjstem of Irish government is prodnotive ol universa 
discontent ftnd unrest, mftnifested ftt times ftnd in fashions most incon- 
venient to Greftt Britain, so fts to mftke Ireland a source of weakness 
rather than of strength to the Empire. 

16. It is, moreover, incapable of satisfactorily promoting the materia 
and intellectual progress of the people. 

17. The Irish educational system, though a scandal and a reproach, 
cannot be properly reformed until Ireland has Home Bule. 

18. Poverty in many parts of Ireland is of a hopeless character which 
cannot be relieved until Home Bule leaves the Irish people free to develop 
their own resources. 

19. Indeed, so hopeless is the outlook, that the young men and women 
— ^the real strength of the nation— emigrate in thousands every year to 
other countries. 

20. This drain of population has gone on unoeasini^y since the 
economic results of the Act of Union began to be felt, and it camiot be 
stopped until Home Bule restores confidence in Ireland's future. 

31. Under the Union Irish industries have decayed, and they cannot 
be revived until that policy is reversed. 

22. The demand for Home Bule is the national demand of the Irish 
people, who have made great sacrifices in order to return a solid party to 
vote for it at Westminster. 

23. Home Bule is opposed only by a small minority, and for selfish 
personal reasons. 

24. Their opposition ought not to be allowed to stand in the way of the 
just demand of the Irish people. 

25. They exaggerate their own importance since they do not even repre- 
sent a majority in Ulster— the only part of the countiy wherein they are 
a power. 

26. The Unionist minority have nothing to fear from their Nationalist 

27. As in local government, so in the Irish Parliament, they will receive 
fair and just treatment. 

28. Their liberties will be respected and their views held in toleration 
but they must frankly enter into the national life of the country. 

29. To allay their fears the majority will agree to all reasonable safe- 
guards being provided in the Home Bule Bill, although such precautions 
are unnecessary. 

80. Moreover, the Imperial Parliament, which will possess an over- 
riding authority, will be able to interfere should any isolated cases of 
injustice occur. 

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81. Since Ireland is impoverished owing to the ftotion of Imperial Par- 
liament, she most in financial matters be treated by Great Britain with 
generosity. • 

32. Irish expenditure being based on English standards, time most be 
allowed to the Irish Parliament in which to effect economies, and Great 
Britain must meanwhile be prepared to give financial assistance. 

38. It would be mean not to give Ireland a fair financial chance, and to 
grant Home Bule upon terms which could only lead to national 
bankruptcy could never promote a fair and final settlement. 

84. The Childers Oommission found that Ireland in 1894 was 
annually over-taxed to the extent of £2,225,000, and since that date 
over-taxation has increased. 

35. In strict justice a sum of over £400,000,000 is due from Great 
Britain to Ireland. This fact must be borne in mind when the financial 
conditions of Home Bule are specified, and should induce Great Britain to 
atone for past exactions by present generosity. 


1. Ireland has never been a nation and her claim to nationality cannot 
be recognised. 

2. Since, however, it is maintained, no Home Bule Bill drawn on 
Gladstonian lines could possibly provide a settlement of the Home 
Bule question. 

3. The Gladstonian Bills did not recognise Irish nationality, but only 
established a subordinate Irish legislature, subject to the supreme 
authority of the Imperial Parliament. 

4. No people who considered themselves a nation could accept a limited 
scheme of this character as a full settlement of their claims. 

5. The demand for independence as the only just recognition of nation- 
ality would be pressed, notwithstanding the passing of a Gladstonian 

6. Irish Nationalist leaders have never accepted the Liberal Bills as 
more than an instalment of their rights. 

7. They have frequently declared that when they have obtained a 
moderate Home Bule Bill, they will insist upon complete independence 
when time and opportunity are ripe. 

8. Although Irish Nationalists deny that they want separation now, 
the Home Bule Bill would only be accepted as a step towards this 
ultimate aim. 

9. It is therefore indisputable that Home Bule must raise the question 
of separation. 

10. Many Irish Nationalist bodies openly avow that separation is their 
object, and that a Home Bule Bill only concedes a part of their full 

11. Separation, however, could never be tolerated since it would 

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aitabliih on oar duik a hostile ootmtry which could he nsed hy an enemy 
as a base for operations against onr commerce and for the invasion of our 

12. If Ireland were independent the cost of the Naiy and of national 
defence would be enormously increased. 

13. There is no analogy between Home Bule for Ireland and self- 
government for our Dominions. 

14. No British Dominion was granted Home Bule because it asserted 
its right to be a nation. 

16. They were given self-government for geographical reasons, which do 
not apply to Ireland ; their distance from the centre of the Imperial 
Government making administration from, and representation at, 
Westminster an impossibility. 

16. Irish Nationalists have always made common cause with the 
enemies of the British Empire ; have always boasted of their disloyalty ; 
and all the authority and power of a Home Bule Parliament would be 
used against Great Britain in time of war and of national danger. 

17. It is untrue to speak of Home Bule as a national demand, since it 
was never popular until it was linked with the agrarian agitation. 

18. The Irish people being assured that they could not get the land until 
they had Home Bule, for that reason supported Home Bule. 

19. The land question being now settled, little or no enthusiasm for 
Home Bule survives. 

20. A proof of this is afforded by the decreasing financial support 
afforded to the Irish Nationalist Party, which finds itself in funds not 
owing to the enthusiastic support of the Irish people, so much as to 
the donations of Irish-Americans, whose support of the Irish 
Nationalists is due chiefly to the fact that they share that party's 
hostility to Great Britain. 

21. The presence in Parliament of the Irish Nationalists would not 
be avoided by a Liberal Home Bule BiU, which has in the past provided, 
and probably will in the future provide, that Irish Nationalists shall 
still sit in the Imperial Parliament. The Irish- Americans would there- 
fore be able to operate through their agency in addition to having the 
Home Bule Parliament as a second string to their bow in opposing 
British interests. 

22. While a large proportion of the Irish people is apathetic in respect 
of Home Bule, considerable numbers actually oppose it. 

23. Although they are a minority such opponents are too numerous to 
be ignored ; especislly as they represent the most prosperous, enterprising, 
and energetic sections of the population. 

24. It is this minority which has built up great industries and com- 
mercial undertakings ; and it would be intolerable to place them under 
the control of representatives of the most backward parts of Ireland. 

25. This minority, because it is prosperous, would have to contribute 

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the greater part of the revenue of the Home Rule Parliament; while, 
becaoBe it is a minority, it would have no control over the expenditure. 

26. The history of Irish Nationalism shows that it never respects the 
opinions of a minority or even tolerates its existence. 

217. The Irish minority consequently fears with reason that it would be 
crushed and ruined by a Home Bule Parliament. 

28. The minority believes that safeguards inserted in the Home Bule 
Bill would be ignored, as often as it appeared advantageous to the 
majority to disregard them. 

39. Ireland is passing through a period of change ; and a new feeling is 
growing up that Irishmen can and should work out their own economic 
salvation, instead of waiting upon Home Bule as an universal panacea 
for all ills. 

80. This new spirit ought for Ireland's benefit to be encouraged, 
whereas Home Bule would thrust it into the background. 

31. Ireland is becoming more prosperous and contented, and in 
recent years progress has been particularly marked. Home Bule would 
check these excellent features. 

82. While Irish administration is undoubtedly costly the high rate of 
expenditure has been caused by the special attention the Imperial 
Parliament has given to improving Irish conditions, with results which 
justify the expenditure involved. 

83. A Home Bule Parliament pledged to economy could not hope to 
continue this expenditure on the same scale, and Ireland would 
consequently suffer in proportion as it was curtailed. 


Lecky*s '* History of Ireland," vol. v. ; Dr. Dunbar Ingram's ** History 
of the Legislative Union " ; and J. B. Fisher's ** End of the Irish Parlia- 
ment" should be read for the period of the Act of Union. F. Hugh 
O'Donnell's " History of the Irish Parliamentary Party" gives an inde- 
pendent account of the growth of the Home Bule movement, Pamellism, 
and the internal affairs of the party. For an official account of the 
Pamell movement reference should be made to the "Beport of the 
Pamell Commission." '* The Annual Begister " for 1886 and 1893 gives 
an excellent summary of the discussions on the Home Bule Bills of those 
years. In their constitutional aspects these measures are dealt with by 
Professor Dicey in two books — '* England's Case against Home Bule " 
(1886) and ** A Leap in the Dark " (1893), a new edition of which has now 
been issued. Ooming to present times the Nationalist case is concisely 
stated by M. McDonnell in ** Ireland and the Home Bule Movement," 
and by Stephen Gwynn, M.P., in <*The Case for Home Bule." Barry 
O'Brien's " Dublin Castle " is a review of the present system of Irish 
government from a Nationalist standpoint. A useful French view ol 

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Iriih ftiEiir»— hoftlla to the Union, but not without oriticiim of 
Kationftlists—ia Paul Duboii' «L'Irlande Oontempondne," ol which 
there is an English translation bj Professor Kettle. Liberal Home Rule 
opinion is reflected in **Home Rule Problems," edited bj Basil 
Williams, and, ** The Framework of Home Rule " by Erskine Childers. 
A collection of Mr. John Redmond's " Speeches on Home Rule," 
edited bj Barry O'Brien, includes the more moderate utterances of the 
Irish Nationalist leader. Mr. W. O'Brien's sUtement of Irish 
Nationalist Party history and his version of the present differences 
between himself and Mr. Redmond is given in ** An Olive Branch in 
Ireland." The case against Home Rule is stated by P. G. Cambray 
in " Irish Affairs and the Home Rule Question " The financial side of 
Home Rule from a Nationalist point of view is put by Professor 
Kettle in ** Home Rule Finance : an Experiment in Justice." For the 
"new" Ireland of economic thought reference should be made to Sir 
Horace Plunkett's '* Ireland in the New Century" and to the publica- 
tions of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society (Plunkett House, 

Literature of all kinds, pamphlets, and leaflets, of course of a frankly 
partisan character, can be obtained from the Union Defence League 
(25, Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W.), the Irish Unionist Alliance (109, 
Grafton Street, Dublin), and the Ulster Unionist GouncU (MayiEair, 
Arthur Square, Belfast). All the above are anti-Home Rule organisations. 
Home Rule literature can be obtained from the United Irish League of 
Great Britain, and the Home Rule Council, both of Great Smith Street, 
Westminster, S.W. 

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THE most striking feature of the education controversy is 
that it is practically entirely unconcerned with education. 
Ordinary men differ upon purely educational subjects — ^how 
the children shall be taught, what they shall be taught, and 
when instruction shall begin and cease, but these controversies 
rarely trouble politicians, unless a question of expenditure is 
involved. Discussion primarily proceeds upon other than 
party lines, and the disputes which stir political circles are 
almost entirely concerned with religious teaching. Over the 
heads of inoffensive children the battle rages, and all the 
while the actual work of teaching and conducting the schools 
goes on without let or hindrance, and, thanks to the tact of the 
teachers, the troubles of which so much is made upon the 
platform are almost entirely absent from the schools. The 
fact is that the question of religious instruction derives its 
prominence from being a phase in the conflict between the 
Established Church and Nonconformity. In the schools 
there is no religious difficulty, and there would be none 
outside, if Nonconformity were not seeking to overthrow 
the Established Church. 

It would seem that no statesman can deal with the educa- 
tional system of this country, with a sincere desire to improve 
it, without becoming involved in a religious dispute. The 
controversy goes back many years, and though at times 
quiescent, periodically breaks out into heat and strife. 

Thb Dual System and the Act of 1870. 

State aid for education began in grants for building ele- 
mentary schools. These were shared between two societies. 

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one denomiiiational— the National Society; the other nn- 
denominational — ^the British and Foreign School Society. 
The foundations of the dual system were thus laid, and from 
it much of the continued strife has sprung. 

With the growth of population, and the extension of State 
interference in education, a third factor intervened. The 
Act of 1870 established School Boards, and made it the duty 
of these bodies to provide sufScient school accommodation for 
the children of the district The further provision of denomi- 
national schools was not forbidden; but such had to be 
erected entirely by voluntary contributions. The Act, indeed, 
was not intended to rival but "to complete the voluntary 
system."* In practice, however, it fell far short of this 
ideal, and it created grievances on both sides. Where 
accommodation was sufficiently provided by denominational 
schools the undenominational board school could not be erected. 
This occurred especially in the villages, and the Noncon- 
formist parent was angered at having to send his children to a 
Church school, f The Act also placed the voluntary schools 
at a disadvantage, inasmuch as they were denied the assist- 
ance of public funds for their erection, while the board schools 
were built out of the rates, and in addition to rate aid 
enjoyed also the parliamentary grant. The income of the 
voluntary schools from public money was limited to the 
parliamentary grant, and the balance of expenditure had 
to be provided by voluntary contributions. Denominationa- 
lists were, moreover, prejudiced by the fact that school boards 
provided in new districts schools, into which they had 
no right of entry for the purpose of teaching their children the 
principles of their faith. | 

• Mr. Forster, Han»ard, February 17, 1870. 

t The children were, of course, protected hy the Conscience Clause 
[Clftuse 7 (1) of the Act of 1870] from having to receire religious instruc- 
tion to wliich their parents objected, from which they could be with- 
drawn. But Nonconformists alleged that they became by such with- 
drawal marked children ; and cases of clerical tyranny were brought for- 
ward to prove the Conscience Clause to be no safeguard for consoientioua 
objectors to denominational teaching. 

t By section 14 (2) of the Act of 1870— the Cowper-Temple Ciause— it 

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Thb Nbbd fob Lboislation. 

Notwithstanding its imperfections, the Aot of 1870 existed 
for over thirty years, though the increasing cost of education 
was subjecting the voluntary schools to an intolerable financial 
strain. Bereft as they were of rate aid, their equipment and 
scale of salaries failed to keep pace with the more fortunately 
placed board schools. Other circumstances, moreover, made 
legislation necessary. The County and Borough Councils were 
the education authorities in respect of technical instruction, 
but inadequate provision was made for secondary education. 
Besides this, under the decision in the " Cockerton Case " the 
School Boards, in undertaking evening continuation and 
technical classes, were held to have acted beyond their legal 

The Act of 1902. 

The Unionist Grovernment accordingly in 1902 carried out 
sweeping changes. The School Boards disappeared, and 
their place was taken by a new authority — the Education 
Committee of the County or Borough Council. That body 
controlled every kind of education in its area~elementary« 
secondary, and technical — and the number of authorities was 
reduced trom over 3,000 to 328. In so far as the Act related 
to educational administration it was welcomed on all sides, 
but as it afifected the denominational schools it opened the 
flood-gates of a controversy which has continued to the 
present time. 

This brief survey of the earlier history of the educational 
system of the country will have made it clear that the strife 
between the Church and Nonconformity is deep-seated and of 

was enaoted that ** no religious oateohism or religious formulary distinc- 
tive c^ any particular denomioation " could be taught in the board 
schools. This provision was not in the Bill, as originally introduced, but 
was placed on the order paper by Mr. Gowper-Temple, a Liberal M.P. and 
a Ghurchman, and was accepted by the Goyemment. Its phraseology 
practically followed that adopted by the British and Foreign School Society 
in respect of schools established under their auspices before 1870. See 
Mr. Gladstone's speeches in the House of Commons, June 16 and 
80, 1870. 

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long standing, and although it waned after 1870, it was never- 
theless kept alive by local disputes and in controversies over 
minor legislation till the Act of 1902 fanned the flame into 
a fierce blaze. 

The Position op Voluntaby Sohools. 

The State having encouraged the establishment of a dual 
system of denominational and undenominational schools, could 
not, as it seemed to the Government of the day, go back upon 
its engagements to the supporters of the voluntary system. 
To have placed an undenominational school within the reach 
of every child would have (cost millions; to have bought out 
the interests of the owners and trustees of the voluntary 
schools would have also involved a prohibitive expenditure. 
Besides which any advance in the direction of a general un- 
denominational system would have been entirely contrary to 
the wishes of a large part of the population. 

The authors of the Act accordingly proceeded to relieve the 
financial strain on the voluntary schools by incorporating them 
in the general scheme, and placing them, so far as secular 
education was concerned, under the control of the new educa- 
tion authority, whereby they received rate aid like the unde- 
nominational schools. This provision contravened the prin- 
ciple of the Act of 1870, which denied rate aid to other than 
undenominational schools. The details of the arrangement were 
also provocative of Nonconformist opposition. In return for 
rate aid the voluntary schools, now called ''non-provided" 
because they were not provided by the local education 
authority, surrendered their exclusive clerical management, 
as two out of the six managers were to be appointed by the 
local authority. The trustees had to provide the school-house 
free of charge for secular education, to keep it in good repair, 
and to make such alterations and improvements as might be 
requured. The local authority had to pay for "wear and 
tear,"* and possessed the right to inspect the sohools and to 

* By OlauM 7, sub-seotioa X (<2) it wm providod ** that suoh damage as 
the looal authority coniider to be doe to fair wear and tear in the Uie of 
aoy room in the sohool-hooie for the purpose of a public elementary 

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appoint and dismiss teachers on educational grounds. The 
managers retained the right to give religious instruction in 
accordance with the trust-deeds,* subject, of course, to the 
Conscience Clause, and to control the appointment and dis- 
missal of the head teacher on religious grounds. 


The Act then proceeded on the principle of give and take. 
While the Church gave up its ** atmosphere "in the voluntary 
schools, it gained for them rate aid. The local authority, on the 
other hand, obtained free of charge the use of the school- 
houses. The Act, however, gave the voluntary schools a settled 
position in the educational system, and Nonconfonpists were 
especially angered at this recognition. They had watched the 
financial struggles of the voluntary schools with a certain 
amount of satisfaction, and hoped that such institutions 
would be '< squeezed out" of the educational system. It 
was then naturally galling to find that they were going 
to be made more secure than ever, and the Act at once 
aroused bitter opposition in Nonconformist circles. Charges 
were brought against it which were not always logical, and 
were sometimes exaggerated. The ''passive resistance " move- 
ment against paying that portion of the education rate which 
was believed to represent the amount to be expended on 
denominational instruction in the voluntary schools and the 

Bohool shall be made good by the looal edacatioQ authority," but the 
c]laase was not in the BiU when it left the House of Oommons. It 
was inserted in the Hoose of Lords by the Bishop of Manchester, 
who carried it on a division against the Unionist Ck>vemment 1 And to 
aUow of its being discussed in the Commons without raising the question 
of privilege a proviso was added that the obligation should not throw 
any additional charge on a public fund. This addition having served its 
purpose, was struck out when the amendment was accepted by the 

* Clause 7 (6) enacted that religious instruction in non-provided schools 
was to be given in accordance with the provisions of the trust-deed, and 
should be under the control of the managers. It was inserted on the 
motion of Colonel Kanyon-Shmey, M.P. Hence the name, ** the Kenyon- 
GUaney Clause." 

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Welsh revolt polioy were indications of deep feeling against 
the Act. 

But it would be idle to deny that the measure was to some 
extent used as an excuse for an attack upon the Church of 
England. The demands of the Nonconformists went beyond 
a mere amendment of the objectionable clauses, and in the 
later legislative attempts of the Liberal Government the 
Church schools were prejudiced to an extent that laid the 
Nonconformists open to charges of vindictive retaliation and 

The charges brought against the Act were that it denied 
popular control over schools maintained by the State ; that it 
forced persons to pay for sectarian teaching to which they were 
opposed ; that it endowed sectarian teaching in State-supported 
schools ; and that it imposed religious tests upon teachers. 

For the most part these accusations could stand but little 
logical examination, and a cool reasoner would demolish them, 
or at any rate dismiss them as exaggerated. The Non- 
conformist unfortunately was not in a condition to listen to 
pure reason, for he believed, conscientiously in most cases, 
that he had a grievance against a powerful and aggressive 

PopuLAB Control. 

So far as popular control went, if by the term is meant 
control by the local education authority, it is difficult to 
maintain that the Act ** denied " it. The local authority had 
in fact complete control over secular education and over the 
appointment and dismissal of teachers on educational grounds. 
To assert that the schools were under the control of the 
"priest" was to ignore the facts. The "priest " could only 
be one out of six managers, and the powers of the managers 
were restricted to carrying out the orders of the local educa- 
tion authority, and to conducting religious instruction in 
accordance with the trust-deed. 

Endowment of Segtabun Teachinq. 

In the picturesque language of its opponents the Act was 
said to have endowed sectarian teaching out of the rates. It 

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would seem that the objection was to any rate aid being 
granted to schools wherein other than Gowper-Temple teaching 
was given. Conscientious objection to public money, in the 
shape of rate aid, being spent upon the voluntary schools, 
implies a distinction drawn between rate aid and State aid by 
parliamentary grants. For years the voluntary schools had 
been receiving parliamentary grants of public money. There 
had been no outcry against the system ; and it was difficult to 
understand how consciences could be violated by the grant of 
rate aid and remain unaffected by the receipt of State aid. 
Actual sectarian teaching in voluntary schools was confined to 
a very small portion of the school hours, and was not by any 
means given as a matter of course every day. 

When it was given no doubt the heating and lighting of 
the room and the teachers' salaries were provided out of 
public funds."^ Those who denounced these payments as 
State support of sectarian teaching ignored the otiber side of 
the agreement, under which the trustees of the voluntary 
schools placed at the disposal of the local authority, free of 
rent, satisfactory premises for secular education on five days 
of the week. 

The gain might very reasonably be held to have neutralised 
the loss. Even if this were not so, and the balance of advan- 
tages remained on the side of the voluntary schools, it should 
not have been forgotten that at least one-hsJf the nation would 
not disapprove of their contributions to the rates going towards 
the support of denominational teaching; and although this 
half regarded Gowper-Temple teaching as falling far short 
of their denominational standards, yet they had acquiesced in 
the grant of rate-aid for the schools in which instruction of this 
character was given. The opposition to the Act was, however, 
too bitter to recognise these facts, and the extremists on 
both sides rejected all compromise. 

* Mr. MoKenna in 1907 tried to effect a settlement by providing that 
the managers should pay one-fifteenth of the teachers' salary, that being 
in his judgment the proportion represented by the time c^ven to de- 
nominational instruction. His Bill, however, did not proceed to a 
second reading. 


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Tbbts fob ThA0HB88. 

The dispute also included a grievanoe of a personal 
oharaoter in respect of certain teachers. In the Gooncil 
schools no question of religious convictions arose, for as the 
teaching therein is purely undenominational in character it is 
assumed that any one can give it without conscientious 
scruples. In denominational schools, however, the religious 
instruction had to be in accord with the terms in this behalf of 
the trust-deed. The managers were given a voice in the 
selection of the head teacher so far as the religious education 
of the school was concerned ; and they naturally selected one 
whose religious beliefs were in agreement with those of the 
children he had to teach. In practice, too, although there 
was no such expressed limitation in the case of assistant 
teachers,* the rest of the sta£F were generally appointed from 
teachers of the same creed as their chief. 

It was felt to be a grievance that teachers fully qualified, so 
tax as secular education was concerned, should be prevented 
from obtaining posts in voluntary schools maintained out 
of public funds. There was, however, considerable exaggera- 
tion in respect of this grievance on the part of the Noncon- 
formists, t There were no " tests " exacted in the strict sense 
of the word, but only an assurance was required that the 
teacher could properly give religious instruction in schools in 
which such instruction was a legal necessity. To ignore the 
qualification of the teacher to give such instruction was found 
to be impossible widiout setting up an universal secular 

* Bdaoation Aot, 19Q2, Motioii 7 (5) : <* In poUio elejBMntaiy ■okools 
maintamed bat not provided by the local education aothozity, Maiatant 
teachen and pnpQ teachers may be appointed, if it is thought fit, without 
nference to religious creed and denomination. ..." 

t A leaiet issued bj the BrUUh Weekly declared that tiie Act "shuts 
out the sons and daughters of Free Ohuxohmen from the be»t sdueatkmal 
poit$ on the sole ground of their religious convictions.*' A moment's 
esaaination 9i •duoational statistics would have shown this statement 
to be encmeous. The largest schools are the Council schools, and in them 
teaoberahips naturally carry tiie highest salaries, and are '* the best 
educational posts," but muk are open to all teachers without f sie gea oe to 
their religious convictions. 

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sjttem. Indeed, it was argued with considerable force that 
there would be effectual intorference with a teacher's freedom 
if he were forbidden to give denominational instruction, which 
he was anxious and willing to impart to children whose parents 
wished them to be so instructed. In the discussions which 
arose on the various Education Bills introduced by the Liberal 
Government there was, it might be said, an almost general 
indication that a strict interpretation of the principle of <* no 
tests for teachers " was impossible. 

The return in 1906 of a Liberal Government, supported by a 
strong Ncmoonformist majority, naturally gave the education 
oontrovarsy one of the foremost places in the legislative 

Thb Bibbell Bill, 1906. 

Their first Bill« however, that of Mr. Birrell, proved to 
be ill-considered and over-loaded with unnecessary matter. 
As printed it differed from Mr. Birrell's introductory expluia- 
tion — a sure proof of Cabinet revision at the last moment. 
Besides dealing with purely educational matters,'*' it devised 
remedies for general Nonconformist grievances, and delivered 
a bold attack on the voluntary system. In fact, it established 
a purely secular system by {Mroviding that all religious instruo- 
^on should be given outside the hours of compulsory 
attendance, and did not make even Cowper-Temple teaching 
obligatory. It kept the door of the Council school shut against 
the supporters of denominational teaching, and it placed the 
denominational schocds wholly at the mercy of the local 
authority, which might indeed afford facilities for religious 
instruction. But such facilities were little more than a 
mockery in the rural schools,! and although they were 

* The portion relating to educational endowments was dropped. Part 
m., wfaicli dealt with various misoellaneons educational questions, 
including vacation schools and the medical inspection of children, 
•obstantiallj became law in 1907 as the Education (Administrative 
Proidrions) Act. 

t S it were made a condition, when the school was transferred to 
the local education authority, religious instruction could be given on not 
more than two momingB a week. But the instruction had to be given 

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somewhat extended in the case of urban schools,* they were 
fenoed around with onerous and undesirable conditions which 
would have made smooth working impossible. 

The Facilities Clause conceded superficially, and to the eye, 
the denominational demand for religious instruction, and at 
the same time recognised the Nonconformist grievance relat- 
ing to the single-school area, in which the village school, 
denominational in character, and the only one available, was 
necessarily attended by all children, irrespective of their 
parents' religious beliefs. It was not, of course, that such 
children were taught creeds to which their parents objected, 
for they were safeguarded by the Conscience Clause. The 
grievance was in respect of the denominational ** atmosphere " 
of the school. 

The Special Facilities Clause was a concession to the. 
Roman Catholic and Jewish, though the necessary conditions 
could be fulfilled in a few cases by Church of England, 

Although the death of this Bill was ostensibly due to 
amendments introduced by the House of Lords, which Sir 
Henry Campbell-Bannerman's Qovernment declined to accept, 
the measure was really killed by public opinion. The 
denominationalists regarded the ** facilities " as illusory ; and 
though Mr. Birrell delivered reassuring speeches, he steadily 
declined to translate his assurances into legislative form. The 
extremists among the Nonconformists, on the other hand, 
thought conciliation had been carried to excess, and the 
Minister in charge protested that his Bill was '* packed with 
concessions," while there was no body of moderate public 
opinion in favour of it, as introduced, or as from time to 
time amended. 

outside school hours, was not to he paid for hy the local authority, nor 
given hy the teachers (Facilities Glause). 

* In urban districts where there was an alternative undenominational 
school, the local authority might permit religious instmction to he given 
without restriction on two mornings a week, provided that the parents of 
four-fifths of the chUdren desired to have it, and the teacher was allowed, 
if willing, to impart such instruction (Special Facilities Clause). 

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Othbb Attbmpts. 

The Bill was in fact a failure, bat the Government was not 
deterred from making another attempt. Mr. McEenna, who 
succeeded Mr. Birrell at the Board of Education, promised 
that his measure should be not an olive branch but a sword,* 
and so it proved to be. The Bill of 1907 made one effort 
in the direction of compromise and settlement. The scruples 
of the passive resisters were to be removed by making the 
managers of denominational schools liable for one-fifteenth of 
the teachers' salary, representing payment for that portion 
of the teachers' time which was devoted to denominational 
instruction. The measure, which met with little or no support, 
was speedily dropped. 

Mr. McEenna's more ambitious effort was made in the 
following year. In single-school areas his second Bill frankly 
confiscated denominational schools. The trustees could only 
give denominational teaching outside school hours by other 
agency than that of the teaching staff, and denominational 
schools in other than single-school areas if transferred to the 
local authority lost their special character. As an alternative, 
at the discretion of the Education Minister, they might be 
allowed to contract out, receiving parliamentary grants but no 
rate aid. This return to the discredited dual system earned 
the condemnation of every educationist, and would have 
destroyed the efficient local administration which the Act 
of 1902 had established. 

Mb. Bungiman's Bill. 

Mr. McEenna was no more fortunate with his second than 
with his first measure, and it never reached the Committee 
stage. He was shortly replaced by Mr. Bunciman, who made 
the fourth and so far the last, and the most successful attempt. 
For the first time the Government took into consultation the 
leaders of the Church as well as the leaders of Noncon- 
formity,! and though the Bunciman Bill suffered from hasty 

♦ At Pontypool, July 1, 1907. 

f The Roman Ofttholios were not assenting parties to the negotiations. 
See Prime Minister's Speech, House of Commens, November 19, 1908. 

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preparation, it marked a considerable advance upon the 
previous proposals. 

It established a general system of rate-aided schools, pro- 
vided for the transfer of voluntary schocds, subject to the 
payment of rent for the use of the school-house, and com- 
mended itself to the denominationalists by acceding to their 
hitherto stoutly opposed claim to a right of entry into the 
schools, where only Gowper-Temple teaching had hitherto been 
permitted.* It met the Nonconformist grievances by pro- 
viding that denominational teaching must not be given at 
the cost of the local authority, and by forbidding the exaction 
of any conditions in respect of reUgious instiruction in the 
appointment of teachers. Other than head teachers t might 
volunteer to give denominational instruction, and for other than 
single-school parishes there was a Gontracting-out Clause 
permitting schools to maintain their denominationiJ character, 
on condition of giving up rate aid. 

Moderate opinion largely favoured a settlement on the lines 
suggested, but unfortunately much was left to be desired in the 
details of the measure. The Gontracting-out Clause, which was 
especially intended to meet the case of the Boman Catholic 
schools, left them with a wholly insufficient parliamentary grant. | 
The terms of the transfer of the voluntary schools proved upon 
examination to allow a wholly inadequate return for the money 
expended from private funds upon their erection. By recognis- 
ing the special case of the Boman Catholic schools^ limiting the 
application of the Contracting-out Clause, and improving 
the terms of the transfer, a settlement might have been 
effected. But delay gave extreme opinion an opportunity of 

* On two mornings a week, from 9 o'clock to 9.45 a.m. 

t Head teachers in transferred voluntary schools could Tdimteer to give 
denominational instruction, and were permitted to do so for a period of five 
years after the passing of the Act. 

} Mr. John Bedmond, M.P. : ** The total maintenance and salaries now 
was £98,000, or 69s. 4d. per child, in the Catholic schools. The grant 
according to the schedule for salaries and maintenance would he £70,705, 
or 49s. 8d. per child per annum, which left a deficit of £28,066 per annum, 
or 198. 8d. per head '* (House of Commons, Deoemher 2, 1908, Paclia- 
mentary Debates, p. 1662). 

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mftkiiig itscdf f«U. '* Bigfafc of eolry " wm regaarded with the 
utniost hostility by the NcnuKMiformists, while on the otiMr 
hand it encouraged the desiree of certain Ohnrohmen for perfeot 
equality ot treatm^it between desiominational and undenomi- 
national instruction. 

The Bill failing to oreroonie these difficulties was, like its 
predece88(»rs» dropped, and since that time the Coalition 
Government has brought forward no more legislative schemes. 
They are biding their time, but past failures would seem to 
have taught them nothing. Mr. Bnnciman has dedared that 
the first duty of an Education Minister *' will be to see that 
the Bdueation Act U 1903 is wiped out." * Whatever &e 
future plan may be it must proceed upon entirdy new linee. 
There is, so far as can be judged from what has happened, no 
majority in the House of Commons for the Birrell Bill, and 
the other three Government measures fauled to oommend 
themselves to a House much more inclined to listen 
sympathetically to Nonconformist grievances tium the present 

Thb Need fob ▲ Sbttlbment. 

Following upon the failure oi Pariiament to reach a settle- 
ment, well-meaning persons have been endeavouring to 
produce a scheme such as should meet Ynth general aocept- 
anee. Proposals of all kinds abound, but none have so far 
achieved general popularity, t The public are indifferent, and 
there is so little difficulty in the schools that they are 
inclined to look upon the whole matter as a sectarian squabble. 

* NorfehAinpton, April 28, 1911. Acknowledghig a fesdation pasted by 
the Nonconformist Parliamentary Committee, urging the Qavernment to 
reintroduce proposals dealing with the education question, Mr. Asquith 
wrote, ** Yon may rest assured that it will receive most careful and sympa- 
thetic consideration, which, I trust, will assume the form of legislation 
hefore this Parliament comes to an end " (Th$ Timsttt April 4, 1911). This 
asBuranoe has been repeated as lately as Noyember, 1911. 

t See article by Prof. Sadler in The Times, May 30, 1910, on Settlement 
OMnmittee's Scheme; correspondence between the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury and Lord Salisbury in The Timee, October 25, 1910 ; and ** Parents' 
Bights '' Bill, in The Morning Post, January 24, 1911, 

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It is impossible, however, to emphasise the harm that is being 
done to the oanse of religions instruction by this controversy 
being kept open. Everything points to the necessity for a 
compromise between the Chorch and Nonconformity. With- 
out it before long the country will demand, as a measure of 
despair, a purely secular solution, and no religious community 
could regard the adoption of that solution with approval. 

Pabbntb' Biohts. 

The controversy has brought to the front a principle of 
which but little was heard at the beginning. Then it was 
generally assumed that the question was one for the decision 
of the leaders of the Church and of Nonconformity, whereas 
it is now regarded as a question for the decision of the parents 
of the children. They, it is said, have the right to choose the 
nature of the religious instruction their children shall receive. 
This solution has been received more favourably by the Church 
than by Nonconformists. The hostility of the latter is due to 
the fact that its acceptance must open the undenominational 
schools to denominational teaching. At the same time, how- 
ever, the Church school in a single-school parish must lose its 
distinctive denominational character."^ The religious bodies 
might well withdraw their claims to decide the question, and 
the parents, as individual members of religious denominations, 
should be allowed to decide that with which they are chiefly 

State and Bbligious Instbuotion. 

A really difficult question to settle is the correct relation of 
the State to religious instruction. Should such be given within 
the schools? Should it be imparted by the teachers? And 
should the cost be met out of public funds ? 

* It should not be forgotten that the " single-school parish " is not 
always a grievance of Nonconformists as against Church schools. In 
many cases the single school in the parish is of an undenominational 
character. Parents who desire their children to receive instruction in 
their own religious beliefs find that they are denied this advantage, 
although they themselves are called upon to pay rates for maintaining the 
school in such cases. 

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If a settlement is to be reached, the replies must, it would 
seem, be in the affirmative, unhesitatingly, to the first, with 
qualifications, to the second, and in relation with certain con- 
tingencies, to the third, of these questions. 

Religious instruction should be given in school hours, for a 
child whose parent has indicated a desire that he should receive 
religious instruction of a specified character should be at least 
as much bound to attend at that time as during the hours 
devoted to geography, arithmetic, or any other secular subject. 
Otherwise religious instruction is bound to occupy a lower 
place in the child's estimation than instruction in other 

In the interests of discipline the teachers should, if they are 
competent and willing, be permitted to give religious instruction. 
It might be desirable to exclude the head master, except where 
an overwhelming majority of the children are of one religion, 
as otherwise the school would present the appearance of being 
imder specific denominational guidance, but to go beyond that 
would seem to be unnecessary. If it is a denial of liberty only 
to appoint a teacher on the condition that he gives a certain 
kind of denominational instruction, it is equally a denial of 
liberty to forbid him to give instruction in his own religious 
beUef to children of the same creed. 

Whether denominational teaching should be paid for out 
of public funds depends entirely on the attitude of the State. 
Nonconformists object to the present system, alleging that 
under it the State pays for religious instruction. The logical 
remedy would be that the State should not concern itself 
in any way with religious teaching, but Nonconformists, or 
at any rate a large majority of them, do not accept this 
doctrine in its entirety. They limit it by holding that the 
State should not concern itself with the religious instruction 
of any particular denomination. The cost of religious but 
undenominational teaching, such as conforms to the Gowper- 
Temple Clause, they regard as properly payable out of public 
funds. Because such instruction is concerned with the 
doctrines of no religious sect they consider equality of treat- 
ment and perfect justice is obtained, ignoring the fact that 

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if the State satisfies them with Cowper-Temple teaching, it 
does not in the like manner, and on the same tenns, satisfy the 
denominationalists. The latter do not regard Cowper-Temple 
teaohing as meeting their case. To endow snch with rate aid, 
and to call upon them to pay their share, while denying their 
religious beliefs the same advantages, seems to denomina- 
tionalists the rankest injustice, and they see no reason 
whatever why Cowper-Templeism should be endowed and 
the Church of England tabooed. 


Nonconformists may regard teaching under the Cowper- 
Temple clause as favouring no one, at the expense of another, 
religion, but denominationalists are by no means of the same 
opinion : and until they are converted to the Nonconformist 
view settiement on the basis of general acceptance of Cowper- 
Temple instruction is impossible. As neither party, therefore, 
wants the purely secular solution both should agree to a 
reasonaUe compromise. 

State aid and rate aid should be given to all schools alike — 
just as they all received State aid before, and State aid and 
rate aid since 1902. All schools, however, should be open for 
religious instruction at the choice ot the parents of the children. 
There should be no contracting out, since strong objections exist 
to such among the Free Churches, but a school in other than a 
single-school area should be permitted to retain a more dis- 
tinctive denominational character, if an overwhelming majority 
of the children are of one creed. The managers of the school 
or a parents* committee should be entrusted with the arrange- 
ments for giving religious education in accordance with the 
desires of the parents, and the teachers should be permitted to 
volunteer to give such definite denominational instruction as is 
required. Failing a teacher, an outsider might be appointed for 
the purpose with the sanction of the managers. To meet 
conscientious objection to public money being applied even 
to a small extent to the cost ol denominational instruction, 
permission might be given to such as desire it, to allocate their 
education rate to undenominational purposes. Very few would 
move in this direction. 

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The country is weafy of Hbe controversy, and desires a settle- 
ment, and the degrading strife between contending sects with 
no real doctrinal differences is a scandal that is having an evil 
efifoot upon the reUgioos life of the nation. 

Uneven Administbation. 

Unfortunately the Liberal Gk)vemment have by their ad- 
ministration only added fuel to the flames. They openly boast 
<d having achieved by administration the ends that were 
d^iied them by legislation.* They are suspect of every de- 
nominationalist in the country. In the Swansea School case 
the Board of Education deUberately threw over their own 
special commissioner who reported against the local authority 
and for the Church school, and the highest court in the 
country, to which they appealed from the High Court, has now 
decided that the authority was acting illegally in discriminating 
against the teachers in the school, t In other less notorious 
cases the Board of Education has proved to be in the wrong. 

Confidence in the administration of the Board has also been 
seriously weakened by the manner in which it has discharged 
its judicial functions in respect of educational endowments of a 
denominational character. | Mr. McKenna's action in over- 
riding an Act of Parliament by means of the Appropriation Bill, 
uid allocating £100,000 of public money for the erection of 
xmdenominational schools, showed^tbe unprecedented steps the 
Government were prepared to take to carry into effect their 

* *• I may remind yon of the relief which the Govermnent has been 
able to afford the Nonconformists by their administrative action " (Mr. 
Asqoith's letter to the Secretary of the Nonconformist Parliamentary 
Committee. The Times, April 4, 1911). 

t See Judgments of the Lord Chancellor and Lord Halsbury in the House 
of Lords, The Times, April 7, 1911. 

X Many such cases have been discussed in Parliament. A recent and 
bad attempt to convert a denominational into an undenominational trust 
-was the case of the Wheelwright Schools at Dewsbury. When the subject 
was discussed in the House of Lords on April 5, 1911, the Government 
offered a feeble apology for their action, and did not even trouble to oppose 
a motion to negative their scheme. The facts of the case were set out 
in a letter by Lord Dartmouth to the Morning Post on April 8, 1911. 

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anti-Choroh polioy.*" Their Begulations were made to serve 
the same purpose, grants for secular edaoation being only 
given to denominational secondary schools and training colleges 
on condition that they largely abandoned their distinctive 
religious character.t It is perhaps best that these acts should 
be forgotten, and many Liberals wish that they had never 
occurred. Their effect has been unfortunate in lessening the 
chances of settlement ; and they have destroyed the confidence 
of the public in the position hitherto fairly maintained that 
though Ministers are party politicians in respect of legislation, 
they are just and imparlial administrators of the law. 


The main arguments put forward in the controversy may be 
summarised as follows : — 


1. There should be complete popular control over aU schools maintamed 
and supported out of rates and taxes. 

2. In such schools no religious teaching should be given which is dis- 
tinctive of any religious belief. 

8. Otherwise a particular religion is endowed out of the public purse ; 
and taxpayers and ratepayers have to contribute towards the propagation 
of religious beliefs to which they may be opposed. 

4. Teachers are shut out from educational posts for which they are fitted 
owing to their conscientious objections to giving the kind of religious 
instruction required, or they are practically compelled to give religious 
instruction in which they may not believe. 

5. This exclusion is unjust to the teachers and unfair to the State, which 
is unable to make the best use of the teachers' knowledge and training, the 
cost of which it has largely provided. 

6. The Education Act of 1902 must be amended since it denied popular 
control over schools maintained out of public money, left them their 

* See Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, March 20, July 11, 
and August 15, 1907 ; and House of Lords, July 25 and August 21, 1907, 
and March 23, 1906. The clause over-ridden by the Appropriation BiU 
was Section 96 of the Education Act, 1870, which provided that ** no par- 
liamentary grant shaU be made in aid of building, enlarging, or improving 
or fitting up any elementary school." 

t See Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, July 11, 1907, and 
House of Lords, July 25, 1907 

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denominational character, and imposed religious tests upon teachers 
seeking employment in them. 

7. The Liberal Education Bills have been intended to ensure that 
elementary schools maintained out of public funds shall be under popular 
control, and that teachers shall not have to submit to religious tests. 
They recognised the interests of denominations in certain schools by 
offering them a fair price for such interests or its equivalent in concessions 
in favour of denominational teaching. 

8. But proper regard for the conscientious convictions of thousands of 
citizens made it impossible to provide that the cost of denominational 
teaching, where provided for children at the desire of their parents, should 
be met out of the rates. 

9. In special circumstances, however, these Bills permitted de- 
nominational schools under certain conditions to preserve this wholly 
denominational character on agreeing to forego rate aid. 

10. They offered the only fair and just alternative to the purely secular 
solution, and were the inevitable outcome of the General Election of 1906. 

11. They were acceptable to the majority of the electors in the country, 
which is satisfied with Gowper-Temple teaching, and only desires to 
permit the existence of denominational schools as exceptions to the 
general rule. 

12. Since the dual system established by the Act of 1870 had broken 
down, and the voluntary schools had shown themselves unable to maintain 
their efficiency under the conditions then established, the Liberal Bills 
offered the only solution that would be accepted by the country as a 
proper settlement. 

18. The principles of these Bills have been accepted as entirely just and 
indeed inevitable by a large number of Churchmen of moderate opinions. 

14. The Conscience Clause has proved to be no safeguard to Non- 
conformist children, especially in the villages, where clerical intolerance 
has often placed them in an ignominious position. 

15. As parents are compelled to send their children to school, where no 
alternative institution exists such school of compulsion must be of such a 
character that the children will not be subjected to religious influences to 
which their parents have conscientious objections. 

16. This necessary condition can only be obtained in a single-school 
parish by making the school wholly undenominational in character. 


1. The Cowper-Temple teaching, while it suffices in some cases, does not 
satisfy multitudes of parents who wish their children to receive definite 
instruction in their own religious beliefs. 

2. These parents being ratepayers and taxpayers have an equal right 
with undenominationalists to say what religious instruction shall be given 
in the schools which they help to maintain, and their children have to 

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8. The Slate has always recognised the ▼cdantacy sdiools and enco ur a g e d 
ihe supporters of such schools to expend monej on their erection and 

4. Acc^ting this respcmriUlitj, the Church of E^igland alone has spent 
more than £47,000,000 upon elementary education, of which nearly 
£90,000,000 has heen found since 1870 for denominational schools. 

5. It would be an act of injustice and a gross breadi of faith now to 
disallow the continuance of such schools on a denominational basis, or only 
to permit them to continue on such a footing, bereft of assistance from 
the public purse. 

6. Teachers who are willing and qualified should be allowed to give 
definite religious instruction to the children whose parents want it. To 
forbid them is a denial of liberty. 

7. If denominational religious instruction is allowed at all, it diould be 
given by teachers rather than by outsiders, in the interests of efficiency 
and of the discipline of the school. 

8. To allow of the provision of religious instruction only outside sdiool 
hours would be to degrade it to the position of an extra and optional subject, 
and to encourage the children to regard it as of less worth than secular 
themes such as reading, writing, and arithmetic. 

9. The consciences of minorities are fuUy protected by the Gonsoienoe 
Clause, which safeguards any (diild from receiving religious instruction 
agahiflt its parents' wishes. 

10. There is no leal difficulty or trouble in the schools themselves, and 
the controversy is mainly the work of Nonconformist agitators, who, 
being opponents of the Established Church, desire to undermine her 

11. The Education Act of 1902 gave the voluntary schools no more ^an 
bare justice, since it raised the standard of efficiency of secular education 
by bringing all local school administration under one controlling authority. 

12. That Act did not endow denominational instruction out of the rates, 
since the teachers' time and the use of the school-houses for denomina- 
tional instruction were more than balanced by the use of the schocd-houaes 
free of rent for the purposes of secular education. 

18. The rate aid supplements the State grant and provides the money io 
meet the cost of secular instruction in all schools and of regions instruc- 
tion only in undenominational schools. 

14. The Act of 1902 did not place the rate-aided voluntary schools under 
clerical control, but placed them under the control of the local authority 
for secular education, and under the control of the managers, of whom 
only one could be a clergyman, in respect of religious instruction. 

15. The Act reduced the number of posts reserved for teachers of a 
particular denomination by permitting assistant and pupil teachers to ba 
appointed to denominational schools, irrespective of their religious beUefe. 

16. The Act made it easier for new undenominational schools to ba 

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erected by removing the existing limitation to the effect that new schools 
could only be built where the number of places in the existing schools 
was insufficient. 

17. Liberal Bills to amend the Education Act of 1902 have been 
dictated by the desire of Nonconformists to wipe out denominational 
schools as far as possible. 

18. Such Bills ignored the great work done and the money spent by the 
Church of England and other religious bodies on the provision of education, 
and offered only such terms as amounted to confiscation or starvation. 

19. They attempted to set up an universal undenominational system 
against the wishes of, at the very lowest computation, half of the inhabi- 
tants of the country, who did and do desire that their children should and 
shall receive definite religious instruction according to their own beliefs. 

20. Begardless of the conscientious convictions of their opponents, the 
liberals would have forced them to pay for religious instruction which 
fidled to satisfy their needs, and would have denied them equal oppor- 
tunitiet of having their own children taught the principles of their own 

21. The provision of an universal undenominational system would irre- 
parably impair the religious life of the nation, and would end in no long 
time in a purely secular solution. 


For the most part the literature of the education controversy is only to 
be found in the ephemeral pamphlets and leaflets of the various political 
and religious associations, which to(^ part in the diq^ute. Ghraham 
Balfour's ** Educational Systems of Great Britain and Ireland *' gives a valu- 
able and impartial survey of the history of our educational systems, and a 
summary of the present system. A history of the efforts of the Church of 
England is given in two pamphlets issued by the Church Defence Com- 
mittee (Church House, Westminster, S.W.)~" The Church and Education 
prior to and since 1870.'* The Nonconformist case is stated in the vaiioas 
issues of the <<Free Church Year Book," published by the National Free 
Church Council (Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street. E.C.). From these 
organisations and from the National Society (19, Great Peter Street, 
Westminster, S.W.) literature can be obtained dealing with the question. 
Tht debates in Parliament on the various Education Bills should also 
be consulted. Full statistics relating to education are to be found in 
the Annual Beport of the Board of Education, which is presented to 

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DISESTABLISHMENT is one of the questions which 
for many years has figured in the Liberal programme, 
and is generally advocated upon the abstract principles of 
equality and justice. In concrete arguments, however, the 
appeal to these virtues is accompanied by motives of a less 
exalted character, which are at least to some extent based upon 
envy, covetousness, and self-interest. 

No one who has studied the attitude of the rank and file of 
Nonconformists towards the Established Church can deny that 
they are in no small degree jealous of its position, and are not 
unwilling to see its pride humbled, its revenues diminished, 
and its dignity impaired. Although it is asserted by members 
of the Free Churches that disestablishment would be advan- 
tageous to the Church, inasmuch as it would thus be free from 
State influences, and informed by a spirit of sanctity alone, it is 
somewhat difficult to believe that they would advocate this 
reform if they really believed that it would be to the Church's 
benefit; for if it were the Church would be stronger and 
Nonconformity weaker in equal degree. 

Assumed Anxibty fob the Chuboh. 

This argument is not likely to deceive any Churchman, 
especially as proposals for disestablishment are always accom- 
panied by proposals for disendowment.* Under Mr. Asquith's 
Welsh Disestablishment Bill of 1909, of the existingendowments 

* ** Every practical politician knows that Disestablishment and 
Disendowment are inseparable" (<*The Case for Disestablishment in 
Wales," by Howard Evans). See also leaflet of Liberation Society, 
<« IHsestablishment and Disendowment Inseparable," by Dr. J. Massie. 

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of the Welsh Church, there would remain only Is. 5^. in the 
pound,* and to argue that the spoliation of so much of the 
income of the Church would make it more efficient borders on 
the absurd. Indeed, if Nonconformists really believed that a 
religious body enjoying endowments is for that reason less 
likely to do its duty than one which exists only upon the con- 
tributions made from day to day by its supporters, their obvious 
and logical duty is to surrender without delay their own 
endowments. Needless to say they suggest no such surrender, 
and their refusal affords reason to doubt their belief in the 
soundness of their own argument. 

Hostility to the Chuboh. 

There would probably be a greater disposition to accept the 
argument if those who support disestablishment made less 
display of their hostility to the Church. But no one can read 
the writings, or listen to the advocates, of disestablishment 
without becoming aware how keen and deep seated is this feeling. 
The Bishops are attacked for their actions in the House of Lords. 
They are asserted to be opponents of measures designed to 
improve the social and moral conditions of the people, and 
they are accused of being shamefully rich. The Cathedral 
system is denounced, and the parochial system, and the con- 
ditions under which, and the manner in which, patronage is 
exercised, are aU subjected to hostile criticism. The clergy 
as a class are condemned, and references are made to much 
that Churchmen hold dear in such a spirit as can only leave 
the impression that not only the establishment, but the doc- 
trines also of the Church are the subject of attack. 

The "Bbebches Pocket" Abgumbnt. 

Such, however, as may not be enamoured of disestablish- 
ment in the abstract may be moved by the prospect of concrete 
gain arising out of the division of the Church's property. 
*<In disendowment," according to the Liberation Society, 
.<<the ruling principle shall be, not generosity to the Church, 
* See Central Ghurch Committee leaflet, No. a07. 


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but justioe to the nation." * The funds at disposal as the 
result of disendowment are to be applied to the fnrovision of 
higher and technical education, hospitals, dispensaries, nurses, 
libraries, parish halls, and to other purposes of local or general 
utility. The prospect of personal advantage is more crudely 
apparent in the proposal that disendowment shall supply funds 
wherewith to reduce the qualifying age for State pensions from 
70 to 65, or even 60 years of age. I 

Bearing these facts in mind, it is necessary to discount very 
considerably the arguments that an Established Church in- 
volves injustice to citizenship, a wrong to the nation, and that 
it is a hindrance to religion: in short, that disestablishment is 
demanded in the highest interests of the individual, the 
nation, and the Church. These high principles would carry 
more weight if they were free from any taint of self-interest. 
Such as they are, they are put forward as of general appli- 
cation; and advocates of disestablishment desire to see the 
Established Churches — of Scotland as well as of England and 
Wales — ^liberatedfrom Statecontrol,and the ''national property " 
now held by them applied to other, and strictly national, 
purposes. So far as practical politics are concerned, however, 
the Established Church in Wales alone is in immediate danger. 
In Scotland there is no movement for disestablishment worth 
taking into account. Disestablishment of the Church in 
England — ^though Liberal candidates think it worth while 
sometimes to express a pious opinion in its favour — cannot be 
regarded at present as in sight. Wales has been chosen for 
the scene of the first conflict, because the Principality appears 
to the party of disestablishment to offer the most favourable 
ground upon which to fight. But from their arguments 
against the Established Church in Wales, which is only a part 
of the Established Church in England, it is clear that success 
in Wales would not satisfy them, and would indeed only be an 
encouragement to proceed against the Church in England. 

* ** The Case for Disestablishment.," p. 170. 

t Made by Mr. Ellis Griffith, M.P., Chairman of the Welsh Fnrlia- 
mentary pa^. See Parliamentary Debates, April SI, 1909, pp. 

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In th^ minds any Bslabliahed Ohnroh, wherever it m%j be^ 
it a wrong, since it violates the cardinal principles of jnsliee 
and equality. 

The Sboui»ab Solution. 

Carried to its logical conclusion, this argument denies to ttie 
State any right to have anything to do with religion, and 
confines it to the secular sphere. It confounds ecclesiastical 
with individual equality, thou^ to-day no obstacle exists to the 
profession by any individual of any religion. No doubt there 
were such obstacles in the past, and whethw they were or were 
not necessary and justifiable when they existed is a mattw 
of academic interest for the historian. They have all been 
removed, and no question of individual inequality is involved. 
It is purely a question of the relation of religious bodies to the 
State ; and wUle it is true that in some countrtes, such as the 
United States and British Dominions overseas, there is no 
Established Church, the long historical connection between the 
Church and the State in England has resulted in strong and 
almost ineradicable growths going deep down into the essen* 
tial bases of our national life. In some countries, as in France, 
there has occurred in recent times a disruption of the relations 
between the Church and the State, but he would be a bold 
man who would maintain that where there has never been an 
Established Church, or where the connection between such a 
Church and the State has been severed, religion has an equal 
hold upon the nation, or that national standards and ideals are 
of equal worth. The results of the divorce between Church and 
State have hardly resulted in universal harmony, in economic 
peace, in an accession of patriotic effort in France, but it is main- 
tained tiiat disestablishment would have some» at any rate, of 
these happy results in England and in Wales ! 

Thb Complaint ov iNsguALiTT. 

If, however, the attitude of Nonconformists towards the 
Established Church is examined with special reference to 
their complaints of inequality, it will be found that the out- 
ward and visible emblems of establishment, rather than its 

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essential attributes, in an especial degree give occasion for 
complaint. The Sovereign is a member of the Established 
Church of England ; but that he should be so is not essential 
to establishment.* The Bishops have seats in the House of 
Lords, but the possession by them of this privilege is not 
essential to establishment. Proposals have indeed been made 
for reducing the number of, and even for aboUshing, their seats 
in the Second Chamber ; and, on the other hand, it has been 
urged that the leaders of the Nonconformist and Roman 
Catholic, Churches should sit in the House of Lords. Estab- 
lishment does, however, involve the acceptance of the offices 
of the Church on State occasions, such as the Coronation. But 
Nonconformists do not see why they should not be allowed 
to participate in that ceremony, t to which there is probably 
no legal or other objection. Their admission would not produce 
equality, but a demand for participation by other religious 
bodies, in which the Roman Catholic Church could not be 
included. The only logical solution would be a purely secular 
Coronation ceremony, which might satisfy some, but would be 
by no means acceptable to the majority of the inhabitants 
of Oreat Britain. 

The Obliqations of Establishment. 

Although Establishment confers certain privileges of this 
character,! it imposes upon the Church certain restrictions 
and obligations. The State exercises, for instance, a con- 
siderable amount of patronage in the Church — such as the 
nomination of bishops, and in certain cases, of deans, canons, 
rectors, and vicars. It is true that those who act for the 
State may abuse their privileges in this behalf, and no doubt 
political considerations have often weighed with Ministers in 
making these appointments. The exercise of patronage at the 

* The Presbjrterian, is the Established, Church of Scotland, but the 
Sovereign is not a member thereof. 

t In the investiture of the Prince of Wales Nonconformist ministers 
took part. 

t The Established Church can call upon the State to enforce the 
decisions of the Ecclesiastical Courts. 

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present day is, however, very jealously scrutinised, and those 
who are charged with the duty of making or recommending 
appointments conform, as a result of high principle, or a fear 
of criticism, to a higher standard than obtained in the past. 
But if they do fail in the execution of their trust theirs is the 
blame, and it is they who should be removed, not the Church 
which should be blamed. 

The so-oallbd "Ebbs'' Chubohbs. 

The State places restrictions upon the introduction of 
changes into the doctrine and liturgy of the Church, which 
cannot be made without its consent ; * but it is inaccurate to 
assert that disestablishment would relieve the Church from 
all control by the State. Indeed, the very act of disestablish- 
ment by an Act of Parliament would be a crucial and monu- 
mental instance of such interference, and the State would 
again necessarily be called in, if it were sought to change or 
amend the conditions and position of the disestablished Church. 
The " Free ** Churches, too, are as a matter of fact subjected 
to State control, for the intervention of Parliament has been 
required in two recent instances in the affairs of Nonconformist 
bodies. In 1905 an Act of Parliament was found necessary in 
order to readjust the distribution of property between the Free 
Church and the United Free Church of Scotland, and in 1907 
parliamentary sanction had to be obtained to enable three 
Nonconformist bodies to unite under one name.t The 
"Free** Church, which holds property under a trust-deed 

* Other restriotions to whioh Establishment is subject, are the neoes- 
sity of a writ for permission to Convocation to sit, the issue of Boyal 
Letters of License before Convocation can consider legislation for the 
Church, and the denial to the clergy of the Church of England of freedom 
to sit in the House of Commons. There also rests an obligation on the 
clergy to be at the service of every citizen. It is arguable whether these 
restrictions are a necessary part of establishment. So far as doctrine and 
ritual are concerned, for example, the Established Church of Scotland 
enjoys large powers of self-government. 

t 7 Edw. yn. c. 75. The Act authorised the union of the Methodist 
New Connexion, the Bible Christians, and the United Methodist Free 
Churches under the name of the United Methodist Church. 

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reqidring oerUin doetrinat to be itax^it is sabjeet to State 
control, inMinuch as the law eadoreeB the teaching cl the 
prescribed doctrines in order to the proper performance of 
the trust ; and no legal relief can be obtained, however obso- 
lete the doctrines may seem to-day, without applicatictt to 

Even after disestablishment is attained the Ohnrch of 
England would not be entirely free, but would still in some 
respects be liaUe to regulation by tiie State. It follows that 
the reunion of the Church and Nonconformity cannot result. 
N(»r is there any reason to assume that better relaticHis would 
be established ; to^ the fact that disestablishment could only 
be achieved in direct opposition to the wishes of Churchmen 
would certainly not promote good feeling between them and 

DnBNDOwiffBm thb Bbal Question. 

But the chief question is disendowment. Disestablishment 
alone would not give satisfaction ; the revenues of the Estab- 
lished Church must to a great extent be confiscated, and to 
justify this demand, it is alleged that she enjoys an annual 
income of nearly six millions from public property, which 
should be set free for national purposes.! The argument 
is that the possessions of a National Established Church 
are of necessity national in character, and should therefore 
be enjoyed by the whole nation ; but they are not and cannot 
be so enjoyed under existing circumstances, because the nation, 
in fact, does not belong to the Established Church. Failing 
thmi to be of national benefit as at present used, they must 
be applied to other purposes which clearly answer this 
description. Without, for the moment, questioning the pro- 
priety of applying the term "national*' to the possessions 
of tiie Established Church, the claim for their redistribution 

* For other remarkable examples of the neoeseity under which ** Free *' 
Ohnrches lie of resorting to Parliament see Sir Edward Clarke's speech 
in the House of Commons, Febmarj 8, 1893. 

t Liberation Society leaflet, <*What Good wiU it do?'* Another 
leaflet, <'The Revenue of the Established Church,*' places it at 

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fails, fldn^ it inoorreotly assumes that the enjoyment of the 
benefits of Ghuroh property is denied to persons desirous of 
participating. The fact is that any exclusion therefrom is 
a purely voluntary act, resulting from conscientious or other 
eonyictions, scruples, or reasons. To Churchmen who do not 
regard the property of the Church as national, but as held 
in trust to carry out the desires of pious donors and founders, 
there appears to be no right of enjoyment by those who cannot 
fulfil the terms of the trust, or subscribe to the conditions 
of participation. Churchmen do not consider it an injustice 
to be excluded from sharing in the endowments of Non- 

The Claim op "National" Propbbty. 

But the whcrfe question turns on the accuracy of the term 
" national " as apfdied to the property of the Church, and even 
Nonccmformists concede that more recent endowments are 
entirely *' private" in character. The ''national" endow- 
ments, they allege, are those of more ancient date, principally 
tithes and glebe-lands. Around the origin of tithes controversy 
has raged. The DisestabUshment Party seem indeed to have 
recognised that in the first instance they were a voluntary gift, 
but they assert that later tithes acquired the character of a 
compulscny levy ; and since their payment was enforced by the 
State they became in effect a State tax.* The compulsion 
exercised by the State, however, was no more than that of 
ensuring that the legal conditions attached to the ownership 
or tenancy d certain land were satisfied. The original 
owner, in fact, voluntarily gave away a portion of the value 
of his land, not in a capital sum, but in the shape of an annual 

* " It was an arguable position to take up that although tithes became 
a compulsory tax after a certain date, they were originally a voluntary 
obligation, and were given by private persons out of their own resources " 
(Mr. Asquith, House of Commons, June 17, 1895). The Report of the 
Welsh Church Commission, signed by seven out of the nine Com- 
missioners, states: ** We think it is not our duty to attempt to perform 
the almost impossible and very controversial task of ascertaining the 
historic legal origin of Church property which includes property of such 
ancient origin as c^ebe-land and tithes " (Cd. 5482, i. p. 7). 

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grant, and it was a necessary obligation upon his sucoessors 
to fulfil the terms of the gift. That is the nature of the tithe, 
and it is erroneous to represent it as a charge imposed by the 
State for the upkeep of the Established Church. And even 
if the Church failed in any measure to fulfil the conditions 
of the grant, far greater would such failure be imder any 
possible arrangement succeeding disestablishment. Not the 
strongest opponent of establishment will at any rate deny 
that the proceeds of the tithes were to be devoted to religions 
purposes. But under a Disestablishment Act they would be 
applied to purely secular needs. If indeed the Established 
Church's claim be disallowed, the intentions of the original 
tithe-payers would be better interpreted by the dedication of 
their endowments to the subsidiary educational and quasi- 
religious requirements of the Church. This, however, would 
involve ** concurrent endowment,'' a system which is entirely 
obnoxious to Nonconformists and at variance with the secular 
solution of the educational question, which they favour. 

Thb Pabtioulab Case of Wales. 

The arguments of the Disestablishment Party, which have 
been so far examined, are of general application to any Estab- 
lished Church, but as has been already stated, the dis- 
establishers have chosen to deliver their first attack against 
the Church in Wales, because they believe that there are 
secondary reasoius, which make the prospects of success 
brighter in the Principality. The principal arguments ad- 
vanced for Welsh Disestablishment, apart from those of 
general application, are : That the Welsh people, by an 
enormous majority, demand it; that the Church in Wales 
is an << alien" Church, the Church of a minority, out of 
touch with the people, and an obstacle to the development 
of the spirit of true religion. 

The "Majobity" Abgument. 
The assertion that the majority of Welsh people demand 
disestablishment is usually based upon the ground that Wales 
returns a majority of Liberal members to Parliament. This 

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evidence is, however, valueless if it can be shown that 
disestablishment occupied little or no place in the programme 
of these politicians. An examination of the election addresses 
issued by supporters of the Gk>vemment in Wales shows 
that only eight out of twenty-one referred at the last 
Qeneral Election to disestablishment. Since candidates 
generally are by no means reluctant to refer with approval 
to public questions, which are likely to gain votes, there is 
little proof here that the question of disestablishment was 
in their eyes one of surpassing interest, and exceptional 
urgency. But even if Wales were almost, or even quite, 
unanimously in favour of disestablishment, opponents of 
this policy could not admit that the fact in any way justified 
the act. They maintain that the establishment in Wales 
cannot be singled out for attack and made the subject of 
separate legislation, but that the Established Church forms 
one inseparable whole, and must be so regarded in all matters 
affecting its endowments, and its relations with the State. 
Nor, taking into account the opinion of the whole country, 
can they allow that there is any general movement in favour 
of disestablishment.* 

The "Alien" Church. 

To the Disestablishment Party the Church in Wales is an 
"alien" Church— " the Church of England in Wales." To 
Churchmen it is " the Church " in Wales, whose history can 
be traced back to a period before there was an England or a 
Church of England. They maintain with considerable force 
that the Established Church in Wales is neither a Welsh nor 
an English Church, but that it existed long before there were 
such nationaUties as English and Welsh. 

It is unfortunate for the disestablishment case that the 
borderline between England and Wales which they seek to set 
up in respect of the Established Church has no existence either 
in that behalf, or in the case of the Free Churches. In the 

* Of 210 Government candidates in England, who were returned to the 
1911 Parliament, only four referred to disestahUshment, and six in a vague 
and meaningless manner to '* religious liberty.'' 

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Established Gharoh there are three dioceses whose centres are 
in England with eleyen puishes entirely in Wales, and thirteen 
parishes partly in England and partly in the Principality. On 
the other hand, fourteen parishes in the diocese of St. Asa^ 
are entirely, and four partly, in England. Moreover, Welsh 
Nonconformity is represented on the National Free Church 
Council of England and Wales, and neither possesses mx 
desires a separate organisation for Wales.'^ 

The Church in Wales is not a separate Church ; the confident 
asserti<m that it is that ot a small minority has been shiJcen 
by the results of the Welsh Church Commission, and although 
&e Nonconformists have declined for their part to conform 
to a religious census, from such figures as were given bef(H:e 
the Royal Commission the deduction can safely be made 
that the Established Church is by far the largest religious 
body in Wales, t 

Thk Irish Analogy. 

On the ground that the Church in Wales is that of a 
minority, the Disestablishment Party justify their policy on 
the analogy of the Irish Church. That the two cases are 
analogous was vigorously denied by Mr. Gladstone, who 
declared that it was impossible to compare the severance 
between the Established Church and the Nonconformists of 
Wales with the severance between the members of the Irish 
Establishment and the Roman Catholics of that coimtry .... 
There was a strong and sharp antagonism between the Estab- 
lished Church Mid the Roman Catholic Church running 
through Ireland, and that ecclesiastical antagonism was 
complicated and embittered by inter-mixture with political 
questions even graver than the ecclesiastical controversies of 

* For details of specific Nonconformist denominations see the 
MemOTandom of Archdeacon Evans and Lord Hu^ Geoil (Beport of 
Welsh Ohuroh Commission, Gd. 543a» i. pp. 88-89). They point oni 
thai the dividing line is lingnistio rather than geogra^cal. 

f Gd. 6482 i. p. ao. The figures of communicants given hy the 
difteient denominations are the subject of consideralde criticism, and are 
not generally accepted by the combatants. For the Ghuroh's 
leaflet 202 of the Gentral Church Committee. 

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the country. ... It would be a gross exaggeration to say that 
anything like a resemblance of the general position exists 
between Wales and Ireland or in the attitude ot the members 
ot the Church in Wales, on the one, and the members of the 
Nonconforming bodies, on the other hand. It would puzzle 
a theologian to define the doctrinal differences between the 
Established Church and Nonconformity, and the clergy of 
the Church in the country districts are the trusted friendsi 
and indeed not seldom the spiritual advisers, <d dissenters, 
witii no chapel at hand. There is little that is doctrinal in 
the dispute luid little that is religious. It is with equal 
difficulty that the inquirer in Wales can discoyer in what 
articles one, differs from another, ¥iee Church, and wherein 
either or all of the Free Churches differ from ihe Established 
Church. Again, the religious differences of Ireland had their 
root in the ancient history of the coimtry, while such as 
exist in Wales are of modem growth." "It would," Mr. 
Gladstone declared, *'be a most precipitate and erroneous 
conclusion to assume that there was a substantial identity 
or simili^ty " between the cases of the Irish Church and 
the Church in Wales.'^ 

An ADVANOiNa Chuboh. 
The remaining special arguments for Welsh Disestablish- 
ment are that the Church in Wales is out of touch with the 
people and an obstacle to religious progress, but whatever 
grounds there may have been in the past for these charges, 
they have now disappeared. Indeed, Mr. Asquith himself has 
said that " everybody knows that during the last seventy 
years, at any rate in the Church of England and Wales, there 
has been opened a new chapter — a new, beneficent, and fruitful 
chapter — ^in their history." t The evidence given before the 
Welsh Church Commission fully bears out this view, I and 
shows that the Established Church, faithfully discharging 

* House of Oommons, May 24, 1870 (Hansard, vol. 201, pp. 1291--9). 
t House of Oommons, April 21, 1909 (Parliamentary Debates, p. 1528). 
t See Report, Gd. Md2, i., especially pp. 17, 20-22, 4S-44, 51-52, and 
the memorandum of Archdeacon Brans and Lord Hugh Oecil. 

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its duties, is admittedly growing and extending in influence, 
but that it is comparatively poor, notwithstanding the 
possession of endowments and of voluntary contributions. 
Where then can be found adequate justification for impairing 
its position and confiscating a large part of its income ? Such 
proposals, if put forward on purely secular grounds, would at 
least be intelligible, but when advanced in the name of religion, 
and in respect of an area wherein it is admitted that the 
utmost endeavours of all religious communities are necessary 
to combat a growing indifference, and to carry out a true 
Christian programme, they appear so little adapted to efifect 
these ends as to render them suspect on the score of sectarian 
prejudice, worldly jealousy, or religious odium. Neverthe- 
less there are multitudes of honest men and women in Wales 
and elsewhere, who accept the case against the Church as an 
article of faith, which needs no proof. Impartial inquiry and 
accurate statistics have till the present time been wholly 
wanting, and the report of the Welsh Church Commission, 
while throwing a flood of light upon an obscure subject, con- 
clusively proves that further investigation is needed before 
religious reformers can ride forth, in that character at any rate, 
to destroy an ancient but newly invigorated and now virile 
and efficient Church. 

Arguments Fob and Against Disbstablishmbnt and 



1. An Established Ohoroh oooupies a position of privilege, which is 
unjust to other religious communities. 

2. Its endowments are rightly national property, which should not be 
used for the benefit of one denomination, but ought to be enjoyed by the 
whole nation. 

8. The Bishops of the Established Ohurch, alone of all the leaders 
of religious thought, have seats in the House of Lords, and can take part 
in the legislative functions of that Chamber. 

4. The clergy of the Established Ohurch have a practical monopoly 
of pubUc ecclesiastical appointments. 

5. Those who hold office, rank, and emolument in the Established 

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Church are plaoed hy law in a favoured position in oomparison with that 
occupied by the members of other religious communities. 

6. It is neither reasonable nor right to inflict disabilities upon some, 
and confer privileges upon others, in respect of their religious beliefs. 

7. Disestablishment and disendowment would remove these injustices 
and give to the nation what was intended for the national benefit. 
Establishment is an artificial barrier, dividing the nation into two 
camps, and is therefore prejudicial to national unity. 

8. Disestablishment will remove an obstacle to the cordial co-operation 
of religious bodies in the interests of moral, social, and national progress. 

9. Establishment maintains in existence a class which, being itself 
privileged, is the natural ally of privilege and monopoly, and a hindrance 
to social and political reform. 

10. Disestablishment, by producing religious equality, will give freer 
play to the religious, and intellectual strength of the nation. 

11. Establishment prevents the Ohurch from managing her own 
afEairs; the appointment of Archbishops, Bishops, and many of the 
clergy is in the hands of the State; Parliament controls the doctrine, 
discipline, and ritual of the Ohurch. 

12. Disestablishment will set the Ohurch free from the bondage of 
the secular power ; by so doing it will immensely encourage the growth 
of her spiritual life, and enable her to terminate internal troubles which 
at present retard her spiritual growth. 

13. Disestablishment has been tried in Ireland, the British Dominions 
overseas, and the United States, and has proved, in each case, to be a 
great blessing. 

14. It is, therefore, demanded in the highest interests of the individual, 
the nation, and the Ohurch itself. 

15. It is, moreover, especially urgent in Wales, where the majority of 
the inhabitants have repeatedly declared themselves in favour of it through 
their elected representatives. 

16. The injustices of establishment %ure especially pronounced in 
Wales, since the Ohurch is not only "alien" in its character, but 
represents a mere minority of the inhabitants, and has shown itself to be 
incapable of appreciation of, and of association with, national feeling 
and sentiment. 


1. That the State should have nothing to do with religion is a purely 
secular argument, which should not be advanced by any professing 
Ohristian, whatever his creed. 

2. It has yet to be proved that where there is no Established Ohurch 
the religious and spiritual life of the nation is stronger. There is 
evidence, on the contrary, to the opposite efiect. 

3. Establishment does not involve religious inequality; it prevents 
no man from following his own religious line. 

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4. Hany of the oatwud sigiii of Establishment — lor inaUnae, the 
presence of the Bishops in the House of Lorcto — are not sesontiiJ to the 
ezistenoe of an Established Ohuroh. 

6. Disestablishment would not abolish the power of the State and 
Parliament orer the Ohuroh; the Free Ohurohes haire to go to 
Parliament whenoTer they desire to obtain legal sanetion for changes in 
their oonstitution. 

6. There is no reason to think that disestablishment would be a step 
towards reunion ; and, as it would be bitterly opposed by Ohurdmien, 
its adoption would leave behind a feeling of injury, ^ioh would prevent 
their future oo-operatioa with Free Ohurches. 

7. The real object of the moTcment is not so much disestablishment 
as disendowment. 

8. Disendowment, by depriving the Church of a large portion of her 
income, would impose limitations upon her activity and enterprise, to 
the great deteiment of the religious life of the nation. 

9. Disendowment is pure confiscation, since the property of tiie Chureh 
is not national property and was not given to her by the State. 

10. The old endowments from tithes were of a voluntary and loeal 
character; they were never part of the general public revenue. 

11. They were given for religious purposes ; and under a disendowment 
policy they would be misappropriated, in a manner virholly foreign to the 
original intention of the founders, for secular uses. 

12. Confiscation of property by the State, always dishonourable when 
effected in the name of religion, would have a superlatively demoralising 
effect on the whole religious life of the nation. 

13. The possessions of the Church are trust property, and while she is 
faithfully discharging the conditions of the trust she should not be 
deprived of them. 

14. The arguments directed against a policy of disestablishment and 
disendowment apply with equal force to the Church in En^nd, and 
there is no difference of any kind between Church propeirty in Wales 
and Church property in England. 

15. The Church in Wales is a vig(»rous and growing OTganisatioa, 
the most progressive and numerically the largest of the religious de- 
nominations in the Principality. 

16. It is not an '^ alien " Church, but can show a continuous history 
dating from an early period before there was an England or a Church 
of England. 

17. There is no justification for separating the Church in Wales from the 
Church in England. Nonconformist denominations do not recognise the 
division between England and Wales, but form one body for England 
and Wales. 

18. The Church in Wales is a poor Church, but her endowments enable 
her to do much needed work which Nonconformist bocU^s are unable to 

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19. In many country parishes the Ohoroh alone mamtains a resident 
minister of religion. Disendowment would so impoverish the Ghuroh 
that many of these parishes would be deprived entirely of a resident 
minister of any religious belief. 

20. This would be a great setback to religion, and would be deplorable at 
a time when there is a general tendency towards indifference in religious 
matters, which it requires all the efforts of all Churches to overcome. 

21. The failure of Nonconformists to provide adequate maintenance 
for their ministers proves that endowments are necessary for the proper 
conduct of religious bodies. 

22. The Ghurch in Wales does not rely exclusively on endowments, but 
raises every year large voluntary oontributionB. 

23. There is no evidence of an active general demand from Wales for 
Disestablishment and Disendowment other than such as is, on insufficient 
grounds, deduced from the fact that the large majority <^ her parlia- 
mentary representatives are in favour of this policy. 


Literature and information relating to disestablishment and disendow- 
ment generally, and to the question as applied to Wales can be obtained 
from the Liberation Society (Gazton House, TothiU Street, Westminster, 
S.W.) and the Central Church Committee for Defence (Church House, 
Westminster, S.W.). The former body is in favour of, and the latter 
opposed to, disestablishment and disendowment. The case for and 
against is stated in the memoranda of individual Commissioners 
which are attached to the Report of the Welsh Ghurch Commission 
(Cd. 5432, i., of 1900), the main report of which is a colourless document, 
while the supplementary memoranda are full of vigorous criticism and 
refutation of opponents' statements, and illustrate the impossibility of 
arriving at any agreement. The Liberation Society have issued an official 
handbook, ** The Case for Disestablishment,'' which presents their policy 
in a convenient form. The classic work against Disestablishment is stiU 
Lord Selbome's ** Defence of the Church of England against Disestablish- 
ment." Professor Freeman's '' Disestablishment and Disendowment *' is 
also valuable. So far as Welsh Disestablishment alone is concerned, the case 
for its 8U^K>rt is presented in Howard Evans's " Case far Disestablishment 
in Wales," published by the Liberation Society. The case against is given 
in "The Churchman's Shield," by L. J. James and W. E. Evans, 
published by The Western Mail, Cardiff, which also issues a reprint of two 
speeches by the Bishop of St. David's on ** The Principles of the Welsh 
DIsestaUishment BiU." The Central Church Committee issued an edi^n 
of ** The Welsh Disestablishment Bill, 1909, with Explanatory Notes," 
by R. W. FoweU and L. G. Dibdin, 

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WHILE the Chancellor of the Exchequer is the Minister 
who has to raise the revenue required for carrying on 
the administration of national and Imperial affairs, and is 
bound to see that the two principles of economy and efficiency 
are observed, each Minister is, of course, primarily responsible 
for the proper expenditure of his own department. The 
Chancellor chiefly comes before the public as the Minister 
whose duty it is to obtain the nation's revenue. The schemes 
of taxation he may propose should be just and fair, and must 
not unduly burden any one class or industry. He should 
raise the revenue in a manner which is economical and certain 
of producing favourable financial results ; luid so long as Great 
Britain adheres to its policy of free imports, he must not 
place on imported articles any burden, which is not also placed 
on home-manufactured articles of the like nature. 

The Bbvbnub Tabiff. 

With the single exception of the last condition, these are 
principles which ought to govern all proposals for taxation in 
every country. But no Power of the first class other than 
Great Britain restricts its Finance Ministers in respect of the 
taxation of foreign goods. Tariff Beformers think that with 
expenditure increasing by leaps and bounds, and without 
regard to income, it is time that foreign-manufactured articles 
were taxed on their importation into Great Britain, and such 
taxation may partake of a double character. If a high tariff 
be imposed upon imported foreign goods the intention is not to 
raise revenue, but to shut out the foreign article. If the 
imposition of the duty is successful in this behalf the faqt 


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should not be overlooked that the home manufacturer, being 
in Qonaequenoe secure in the possession of the home market, 
is more prosperous and better able to pay whatever taxes 
may be imposed upon him. Tariff Reformers, however, do not 
advocate a policy of Prohibition, but the imposition upon 
foreign inserts of a tariff which, while it protects home manu- 
factures from unfair foreign competition, also provides for 
raising revenue. They believe that with an annual impor- 
tation of foreign-manufactured goods worth from £130,000,000 
to £150,000,000, an average tariff of 10 per cent., while it 
might have some little protective character, would bring into 
the Treasury several millions of revenue. Other countries 
supplement their resources in this manner, and but for our 
allegiance to the policy of free imports nothing stands in 
the way of the levy of similar duties in Qreat Britain. The 
objection that the cost of collection of such duties is high 
out of all proportion to the revenue realised, is refuted by 
statistics, which prove that in Canada, Australia, and the 
United States the cost per cent, of collection of Customs 
duties is no higher than in this country.* 

The '^Higheb Pbices" Objection. 
A more weighty criticism is that the price of an article 
produced at home is invariably and necessarily raised to a 
figure equal to the price of the foreign article plus the amount 
of the tariff. In other words, the consumer pays out of all 
proportion to the amount received by the Treasury. But if 
the tariff be low, this is not the case, as was conclusively 
proved when the shilling duty was levied on foreign wheat 
in 1902. f Indeed, Tariff Beformers assert that a revenue 

* United Kingdom, 3*3 per cent, of the revenue; U.S.A., 8*8 per cent. ; 
Canada, 8*2 per cent.; Australia, 2*7 per cent. ("Speaker's Handbook," 
Tariff Beform League, p. 231). 

t Speaking in the House of Gommons on the Finance Bill on June 9, 
1908, Lord St. Aldwyn, then Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, said, ** Has the 
tax increased the price of bread ? If it had increased the price of bread, 
one thing is certain, that a rise in the price of bread would have been, I 
might saj, universal, or at any rate very general All that has happened 
is that in some places the bakers took advantage of the tax to do what 


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tariff would be a boon to the oonsamer, beoaose to a great 
extent the tax would fall on the importer, and not as now 
wholly upon himself. In the case of tea, for instance, the 
whole supply is taxed, and the cost is accordingly raised to 
the consumer by the whole amount of the duty. But if only 
foreign tea, or any other foreign article were taxed, and the 
import was moderate in amount, competition with the untaxed 
home or Empire-produced article of the like nature would 
prevent an increase of price, and would even result in the tax 
being borne by the foreign importer out of his profits. These 
contentions of the Tariff Reformers are supported both by 
economists* and by practical experience. t When, more- 
over, opponents of Tariff Reform assert that import duties 
would impose a heavy burden on the poor, they ignore the 
importation of manufactured luxuries such as silks, motor-cars, 
hats, artificial flowers, fancy Parisian goods, clocks, watches, 
musical instruments, and jewellery, which find purchasers 
only among the wealthy classes. 

Taxation of Nbobssities. 

Contrasted with these possible sources of taxation how 
circumscribed is our present system, which, in the words of 
the Prime Minister, forces every single one of the necessaries 
and simple comforts of life, with the exception of bread, to 

they had long been meditating for other reasons, namely, to increase the 
prioe of the loaf for a temporary period, while in other places there was 
no rise at aU." The average price of wheat daring the two years 1902-3 
was 28s. lO^d. per quarter. In the five previous years it averaged SOs. 6d. ; 
in the five succeeding years 82s. When the duty was levied the price was 
less than in the five years before and the five years after its collection. 

* See Chapter VI. « Trade Belations," p. 198, footnote. 

t The Ironmonger (October 2, 1909) gives the current prices of 
finished iron and steel in N.E. district of England : Iron angles, home 
trade, £7 ; export, £6 ; tees, home trade, £7 15s. ; export, £6 lOs. ; steel 
bars, home trade, £6 2s. 6d. ; export £6 lOs ; angles, home trade, 
£6 7s. 6d. ; export, £6 6s ; rails, home trade, £6 5s. ; export, £5 2s. 6d. 
The existence of two scales of prices shows that to get into foreign 
markets the British manufacturer has to reduce his price; in other 
words, to pay the wh<de or a proportion of the duty. 

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contribute its quota to the national revenue. "^ Tea, sugar, 
tobacco, and fJcoholic drinks of all kinds are taxed, the con- 
sumer pays the whole amount and under this system a man 
or womiui escapes taxation not because of poverty, and con- 
tributes to the revenue not because of riches, but because his 
or her personal predilections lead to abstention from or 
indulgence in alcohol or tobacco. This injustice would not 
be so much felt if so large a proportion of the revenue were 
not obtained from these sources. 

Basis op Taxation too Nabbow. 

The necessity for broadening the basis of taxation, always 
asserted by Tariff Beformers, is now being proved by the 
results of Mr. Lloyd George's Budget of 1909. It is an 
established principle of general application that excessive 
duties on particular articles discourage consumption and 
promote evasion, whereby in both cases the revenue suffers. 
The ideal principle of national taxation is found in moderate 
duties spread over a considerable area, rather than in excessive 
duties confined to a limited sphere. 

But so far as British finance is concerned, considerably over 
three-quarters of the tax revenue of £151,956,000 is raised 
from no more than four sources : 

Alcohol and liquor licence taxes £35,162,000 

Tobacco taxes 17,850,000 

Estate duties 25,150,000 

Income tax 44,800,000 


While every tax is objectionable in its degree these four 
heads of taxation are open to particular objection. 
The duties on alcoholic liquors and tobacco are taxes 

* << We do tax tea. We do tax sugar. We do tax beer. By this Budget 
[of 1909] we are proposing additional taxes on tobacco and spirits, and, 
with the exception of bread, there can hardly be said to be a single one 
of the necessaries or simple comforts of life which is not made to 
oontribnte its quota to the national revenue" (Mr. Asquith, M.P.^ 
House of Commons, June 10, 1909). 

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dq^ending upon an individual's habits, and they leave 
another person, whose tastes lie in other directions, entirdy 
untaxed. Nor do they fall upon those taxed in proportion, 
to their ability to pay. Indeed, their incidence is actually 
heavier upon the less wealthy than upon the rich.''' A further 
and most serious objection is that the tax is out of all 
proportion to the cost of the article, f 


But the principles of just taxation are particularly outraged 
by the duties on liquor licences. No tax should so unduly 
burden the payer that he is in consequence prevented from 
following his calling or profession, but the licence duties 
on public-houses are imposed with the object of making it 
unprofitable, if not impossible, for the licence-holder to con- 
tinue to trade. The Licensing Bill of 1908 was introduced 
as a measure of temperance and social reform. It proposed 
to effect its purpose by reducing the number of public-houses 
upon t^rms which were little short of ccmfiscaticHi, and when 
the Bill was lost in the House of Lords the Government, 
angered at its loss, determined to effect by taxation what 
tiiey could not obtain by legislation. 

BsvENaE, NOT Revenue. 

With that intention what the Lord Advocate of Mr. 
Asquith's Government described as ** swingeing " duties were 
placed upon licensed premises. Incidentally revenue was 
obtained ; but the real reason was to reduce the number of 
licences by making many of them unprofitable to hold. Merce 
protest was made against this system of spoliation, but with- 
out effect. The principle of confiscation by taxation has now 
been introduced into our finances, and another Government 

* Of £1 spent on whisky Os. dd. is represented by the tax, on 
chaaapagne 9^., on tobacco lis., on cigurs Is. 8d. 

t Whisky costs about Is. 3d. a gaUon at the cUstiUexy, and the duty 
amounts to 148. 9d. a gallon. There is a similar disproportion between 
the ociginid cost of tobacco and the amount of the duty, especially 
in respect of the less expensive varieties of the leaf. 

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more Socialistic than that of Mr. Asquith's may easily extend 
its apfdication to other kinds of property, the holding of which 
it believes to be harmful to the State or to the Radical party, 
as the case may be, and the title to which it may represent 
as being no more unassailaUe than that of the publicans 
to their licences. Meanwhile the spectacle is presented of 
a Government raising a large revenue from a trade which, 
to use a Cabinet Minister's expression, ** had damned many a 
human soul '* I * Arguing from this analogy every Indian 
peasant who ever cultivated a poppy is a son of Belial, and 
indeed he, like the seller of a glass of beer, is being taught 
to wonder whether it is self-'' righteousness which exalteth a 

Taxation op Capital. 

To criticise these duties, however, is to incur the con- 
demnation of Badicals as the publican's friend, and to 
criticise the death duties is to suifer the suspicion of being 
a friend of dukes and an enemy of the people. To the 
principle of the latter duties little objection is now offered, and 
when, upon the occurrence of a death the whole estate of 
the deceased is being valued, a convenient opportunity occurs 
for assessing and for collecting taxation. Unionists as well 
as Liberals have alike made use of this method of raising 
revenue. But, admitting the convenience and the justice of 
this kind of taxation, it is impossible to accept the many 
absurd exaggerations connected with it which are current 
in certain circles, wherein it is defended as a tax upon the 
rich. Though the rich may pay the tax it is not they alone 
who feel its incidence, for whatever amount a rich man pays 
in taxation he has that much the less to spend upon objects 
which, while they add to his own comfort, at least give 
employment to many others, and promote the circulation of 
wealth. The effect of such taxation is thus felt by other 
classes, but opposition to-day to the death duties arises from 
the fact that the rate is so high as to induce the export of 
capital from England to other countries. Death duties must 

* Eight Hon. W. Bunoiman, M.P., Southampton, August 81, 1909. 

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be considered together with the income tax, which much the 
same classes are called upon to pay, and, of all comitries, Great 
Britain alone levies a high income tax and high death duties. 
In France there are moderate death duties and no income tax ; 
in Germany an income tax but no death duties ; and in Italy 
a high income tax in theory only and moderate death duties ; 
while in Great Britain there are income tax, death duties, and 

Its Effects on Industbt. 

The effects of these heavy burdens on capital are viewed 
with profound distrust by men of business and by financiers, 
but inasmuch as the death duties are not annual imposts, but 
fall at uncertain intervals, their economic effect cannot 
immediately be appreciated. It is regarded, however, as certain 
that taxes of this class will not be paid out of income, but out of 
capital, and if this should prove to be the case the nation is in 
respect of them in the position of a spendthrift who is wasting 
his patrimony. High income tax and super-taxes, again, 
are annual charges paid out of capital. Excessive taxation of 
capital must in due course conclude with disaster and bank- 
ruptcy, and the withdrawal of money invested in industry to 
pay death duties reduces the employment fund of the 
nation, and 'pro tanto increases unemployment. 

Incomb Tax. 

Death duties are a tax on industry of uncertain, and income 
tax is a tax on industry of certain, incidence. The latter 
impost has become part of the ordinary taxation of the country f 
in time of peace, and is collected at a rate per pound which 
would have horrified the inventors of what was originally 
imposed as a war tax, and the strongest advocates of which 
would only have supported a low rate at other times. Many, 

* See on this subject a letter by Sir Alexander Henderson, Bart., to 
The Daily Graphic, Oct. 19, 1911 ; and an article by Sir Felix Schoster, 
Bart., in The Nineteenth Century, July, 1909. 

t ** It most now be regarded as an integral and permanent part of 
our financial system " (Mr. Asquith, House of Commons, April 18, 1907. 

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indeed, would have entirely abolished the tax when no war 
bills had to be paid. Mr. Gladstone on three occasions 
endeavoured to bring about its abolition, considering that 
" so long as it was part of the ordinary revenue it was 
impossible to think of efifective and extensive economy."* 
Even so late as 1887, he wrote of it as direct taxation " of a 
kind most vexatious to trade and industry,"t at a time when 
the rate was no more than sevenpence in the pound. To-day 
the normal rate is Is. 2d., which with certain abatements may 
be reduced to ninepence, and by super-tax increased to Is. 8cL 
The most disquieting feature of the case is that this tax, which 
was regarded as a reserve for times of war, now stands in time 
of peace at a rate as high as it formerly attained during war- 
fare. | The old days, when sixpence was the normal rate, and 
lower figures, down even to twopence, were not unknown, will 
never recur. In any future war Great Britain will probably 
have to regard with such equanimity as she may be able to 
exhibit a tax of 2s. 6d. in the pound. 

As a provision for war the income tax has the advantage of 
supplying considerable sums of money within a short time 
without much difficulty. But as it is an impost which requires 
personal assessment, it is difficult to ensure that declara- 
tions of income are not understated, or that many who ought 
to pay do not escape. The returns, however, show that the net 
amount produced per penny of tax has risen considerably in 
recent years, and the inference is that more stringency is 
being shown on the part of the collectors. 

One fault in the tax has been removed in part by the 
differentiation between earned and unearned incomes, which, 
however, stops at £3,000, and fails to distinguish between 
unearned income acquired by inheritance and unearned income 
resulting from savings for old age. Further differentiation 
may be possible, but the present system, with its abatements, 
allowances, differentiation, and graduation, is already sufficiently 

• "Twenty Years of Finaiicial Policy," by Sydney Buxton, M.P., 
p. 345. 
t The Nineteenth Century, 1887, p. 895. 
X 1856, la. 4d. ; 1908, la. 8d. 

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oomidkated to paszle most people. With a high tax prOtiBioii 
has to be made for ineqaaUties, whioh can be ignored when tiie 
rate is low. Hence arise oomplioations whioh contravene one 
of the basic laws of taxation — ^that an impost should be easy 
and simple of application. 

Thb Land Taxes. 

Notwithstanding ttie considerable draft which was made 
upon the income tax, Mr. Asquith's Chancellor of tiie 
Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd George, bound by Cobdenite chains, 
found himself unable to provide from the existing sources 
of taxation for the present and future expenses of various 
schemes to which his Government was committed. Being one 
of the leaders of a party distinctly hostile to the land-owning 
class, he not unnaturally looked to the land to provide for his 
future wants. In so doing he started with the initial advantage 
that the land is commonly believed to be in the hands of a few 
rich, greedy, and grasping landlords, who extort ever increasing 
rents from property, which only became more valuable through 
the exertions of their fellow-citizens. His proposals gained 
furttier support from the representation by Radical orators of 
the House of Lords as a house of landlords, eager to construct 
Dreadnoughts for the protection of their own property, but 
determined for their own part not to contribute towards 
the cost. 

These representations, however crude and ill founded, met 
with general acceptance, notwithstanding the fact that no 
sooner was a concrete case of oppression or rack-renting 
advanced, than it was met and demolished. 

When due allowance is made for the perfervid temperament, 
it is passing the bounds even of politicfld licence to describe a 
well-known landlord as pursuing a system of "blackmail" 
when even a cursory examination of the circumstances disclosed 
the fact that the increased rent which the agitator denounced 
was enjoyed wholly by a middleman. The levy of fine on 
renewal of leases, and the exaction of ground rents, were 
denounced without regard to the fact that the Government as 
landlords were themselves following the same policy in respect 

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of the Grown lands under their admmistration, and were only 
too ready to have their pound of flesh. Indeed, it is by no 
means the case that the Grown is the most lenient landlord. 

Unbahnbd Incbbmbmt. 

The land taxes were based on the assumption, for which 
there is no foundation, that the land of the country is con- 
tinuously and progressively increasing in value through the 
action of the community, and that it is right that the nation 
should share in the added value. The doctrine if carried to its 
proper conclusion would involve the confiscation of the whole, 
and not of part, of the increment value. That they refrained 
from pressing their doctrine to this length was offered by the 
Government as evidence of the moderate character of their 
demand; but the modesty and moderation of the adminis- 
tration did not prevent the more logical Socialists from pdnt- 
ing out that the State ought to take the whole increment, and 
that a similar course should be pursued in respect of many 
other kinds of property besides land. 

While opponents of the land taxes did not deny that a 
community might by public expenditure increase the value of 
landed property, which was indeed already admitted by the 
acceptance of the principle of betterment, they protested that 
the particular community whose action brought it about ought 
alone to enjoy the increase, and that the proceeds of the tax 
ought not to be taken by the State to be shared equally with 
unconcerned, and possibly backward and unenterprising, com- 
munities. They asserted, too, with considerable force that 
where land had decreased in value through the action of the 
State or the community, provision ought to be made for com- 
pensation for decrement. They protested strongly against a 
tax under the operation of which a man is charged one-fifth of 
an increased value of any particular property while he is not 
allowed to set off such increase against a decrease in respect 
of another property. This, however, the Government declined 
to do, recognising as practical financiers that their platform 
rhetoric respecting the everlasting and omnipresent appreciation 

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of land valaes, was only relevant to partioolarly favonred 
districts, and ooold not be generally applied. 

" SiTB Valub," 

A general objection to tbe principle of the land taxes is that 
ttiey are levied not as in the case of income tax upon a definite 
and ascertainable basis, but upon a wholly imaginary "site 
value," or value of the land reduced to the condition of a piece 
of bare ground. To this is given the value which it is pre- 
sumed to have possessed on April 30, 1909, and any increase 
accruing over the amount of the original valuation, as compared 
with that of the occasion upon which the tax falls due is 
regarded as increment, and as such subject to duty. The 
obvious objection is taken that the land was never in the con- 
dition necessary for arriving at the valuation of April 30, 1909, 
and that that valuation was wholly imaginary, and a mere fig- 
ment of the mind of the valuer. Indeed, since valuers are no 
more than human, their valuations show the most extra- 
ordinary differences. One man may place one, and another 
quite a different, value upon the same property. This may 
happen even in respect of so comparatively easy a problem as 
the determination of market value ; and far more when so 
elusive and intangible a quantity has to be determined as the 
site value. Taxation ought not to be levied upon such uncer- 
tain and indeterminate bases, and it is already apparent that 
cases of gross injustice and rank absurdity are of common 

Undbvelopbd Land Duty. 

But the land taxes are not to be regarded only as a means 
of raising revenue. Their authors and supporters look upon 
them as instruments of social reform, though it is not easy to 
see why the confiscation of a portion of the added value of his 
land should induce the owner to lower his rents to his tenants, 

*Se6 letter from Mr. Pretyman, M.P., to The Times (July 16, 1911), in 
which he cites a oase where the site value of a small house in lUohmond, 
Yorkshire, sold for £500, was alleged to have increased from £58 5s. to 
£178 53. between A^ril 80, 1909, and September, 1910. 

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or interest himself in a higher degree in their comfort and 
prosperity. Sometimes, however, these secondary purposes 
are only half avowed, as, for instance, in respect of the influ- 
ence of the new land taxes on land nationalisation. In the 
case of the undeveloped land duty, however, it is openly stated 
that the raising of revenue has less to do with the taz than 
the desire to force land into the building market by making it 
unprofitable for the owner to withhold it from the builder. Un- 
developed land, therefore, which, in the opinion of Commis- 
sioners appointed ad hoc, has a building value, is to be taxed on 
that value to the extent of an annual halfpenny in the pound. 
The supporters of this impost allege that land is unreasonably 
held up, and that as a consequence rents are high and housing 
accommodation bad, though no one who has observed the 
enormous numbers of empty houses in our large towns can 
think that the demand exceeds the supply ; and the existence 
of a multitude of land development companies is evidence that 
speculators are fully prepared to develop land wherever the 
process is likely to prove profitable. There are no doubt many 
cases in villages where the number of cottages could with 
advantage be increased. But rural housing, so low are the 
wages of agricultural labourers under Free Trade, gives no 
possibility of a return for the capital which must be expended 
on the erection of really satisfactory cottages. The problem, 
therefore, can only be solved in Great Britain as it was in 
Ireland, where the State lends the local authority money at a 
low rate of interest for the erection of labourers' cottages. 

Effect on Housing and Building. 

An attempt was made when the Finance Bill of 1909 was 
going through the House of Commons to limit the demand for 
undeveloped land duty to land <' unreasonably " held up, but 
the Government would not listen to the suggestion, and 
decided to treat all land having a value above £50 an acre as 
building land, and the owner as a fitting subject for penal 
taxation. The latter may not have the capital with which to 
develop, but he must none the less pay the tax. Years might 
have to elapse before the i^ormal ^wtb of a neighbouring 

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town would justify expenditure on the erection of bouses^ but 
if the Government valuer considered the value of the land to 
be above the limit, the owner must pay the tax ; there mij^t 
be no possibility of obtaining a prop^ return, for instance, in 
rural districts for the capital expended on the erection of 
cottages, but the owner must build or be fined. 

To the ordinary man without political Uas the imposition of 
such burdens upon ttie raw material of the building industry 
would seem to be the worst possible way of encouraging the 
provisipn of more and of better houses at lower rents. But 
to the supporters of these taxes they were but part of a 
larger policy. 

Nationalisation the Objective. 

They hold private property in land to be unjustifiable, and 
that complete justice will not be done until the land is 
nationalised ; until in the place of many owners there is but 
one owner, the State. But they realise that the value of all 
the land in the United Kingdom is so great that the State 
cannot hope, on the present basis of value, to buy out the 
existing owners. 

What more obvious plan, then, can present itself than that 
of reducing land values by the introduction of taxation, which 
can be gradually increased until land becomes an unprofitable 
investment, when the State can itself purchase at the valua- 
tion recorded in the books of its own valuers. The scheme 
has the merit, at any rate, of simplicity, though novelty is 
lacking, for it was long ago put forward by the prototype and 
namesake of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Henry 
Oeorge, who pointed out that there was no necessity for the 
land nationalisers to confiscate the land ; it was sufficient to 
confiscate rent. Already some of the rent was taken in taxa- 
tion, and if certain changes were introduced into the system 
of land taxation, the State could in no long time take it all.''' 
This easy way with landowners was expressly approved by the 
Socialistic wing of Mr. Asquith's Coalition Government. Mr. 
Lloyd George assured the land nationalisers that nationalisa- 
• ♦• Progress and Poverty," book viii. ckap. ii. 

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ti<m must come, but by easy stages,* and the Lord Advooate, 
Mr. Ure, pointed out that the ** modest-lookmg taxes '* in the 
Budget ** involved a principle capable of far-reaching applica- 
tion, and that the land of the country belonged to the 
nation,''! a principle which stops short, apparently, at 
Ministers' salaries. 

Bearing in mind these speeches, and many others from the 
same quarter, and the temper of the majority in the House of 
Commons which passed the Finance Bill of 1909, the student 
of contemporary politics would altogether fail to appreciate the 
designs of the framers of the Lloyd George Budget, if he 
regarded the land taxes solely or even primarily as a means 
of raising revenue. Whether these revolutionary schemes will 
ever become law, time and the temper of the nation alone 
can show. 

Thb Failubb of thb Taxes. 

The land taxes have not justified the assertions of their 
supporters. The staff engaged in collection has proved very 
costly — the amount of the annual salaries of the Land Valuation 
Staflf in Great Britain alone being £323,380.1 The amount 
collected in respect of increment duty and undeveloped land 
duty from the passing of the Act to November 7, 1911, was 
£1,950 and £13,900 respectively,! the reversion duty also 
producing an unexpectedly disappointing yield. The greatest 
blow, however, was the judgment declaring Forms IV. and 
VIII. illegal, and no better than waster-paper. Some one had 
blundered. Many millions of copies of the forms had been 
circulated at great cost, and many private individuals had 
incurred considerable expense in obtaining professional advice 
for the purpose of filling in the forms, and all was in vain. 

Thb Psoblbm of Local Finance. 

But the more immediate effect of the land taxes, since they 
will at any rate produce some return, is to deprive the local 

* Llanelly Mercury, October 4, 1906. 

t LinlithgowaMre OoMette, June 4, 1909. 

I Parliamentary Debates, November 9, 1911, p. 1956. 

§ Ibid., November 14, 1911, p. 191. 

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auihoritdes of a possible soaroe of future revenue.'*' Bates 
have a tendency to rise as local goyemment becomes more 
efficient, and particularly as Parliament imposes new duties 
upon, and grants new powers to, local authorities. The local 
councils protest that while Parliament passes legislation enor- 
mously increasing their responsibilities, it provides no financial 
assistance towards meeting the additional expenses incurred, 
and that the cost of services which are really national is now 
met from local sources. That a grievance exists is generally 
recognised, and it is understood that the financial relations 
between the State and the local authorities must in no long 
time be subjected to revision and amendmeni Indeed, so 
long ago as 1896 a Royal Commission was appointed on local 
taxation, which after thorough investigation sent in its final 
report in 1901.t The Commission found that the basis of local 
taxation was too narrow, and that personality did not suffi- 
ciently contribute to local purposes. Land contributes towards 
the maintenance of the poor, education, and other local pur- 
poses, while other forms of property escape. The rates are a 
heavy charge upon land used for industrial and agricultural 
purposes, t Indeed, there is evidence of a movement on the 
part of manufacturers towards the less highly rated districts, 
which, if it matures, must leave the forsaken localities bur- 
dened by empty buildings and bereft of employment. 

A fairer division of local taxation between reality and 
personality is obtained in the case of certain foreign muni- 
cipalities by the imposition of a municipal income tax and of 

* The Gk>yemment reoognised this grievance by agreeing to aUooate one- 
half of the proceeds of the land taxes to the local authorities. Later, 
however, they excused themselves from carrying out their pledge. 

t Od. 688. A separate minority report, signed by four out of fifteen 
Ck>mmiBsioners, recommended the creation of a special site value for the 
relief of local, not Imperial, taxation. 

I Belief was given to agricultural districts in 1896 by relieving agriool- 
tural land of one-half of the rates which are payaUe in respect of build- 
ings and other hereditaments, and the deficiency vras made up to the local 
authorities out of the proceeds of the estate duty derived from personal 
property. Although fiercely opposed by the Liberal Party at the time, 
the Act of 1896 has been renewsid by the Liberal Qovemment. 

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munioipal death duties ; but the prior appropriation by the 
State of these souroes of revenue in the United Kingdom 
deprives our local authorities of this resource. 

National Sbbviobb paid fob Looally. 

The Eoyal Commission recommended as the only method 
by which fair play could be secured '' consistent adherence to 
a principle which has often been put forward in discussion 
but to which insufficient regard has frequently been paid in 
practice/' ** That principle/' the Commissioners say, '* is the 
distinction between services which are preponderantly national 
in character and generally onerous to the ratepayers, and 
services which are preponderantly local in character and 
confer upon ratepayers a direct and peculiar benefit more or 
less commensurate with the burden. ... A service may be 
called properly local when a preponderant share of the benefit 
can be directly traced to persons interested in the locality. 
On the other hand, universality and uniformity of administra- 
tion is generally a mark of national service, because such 
administration does not confer special benefit on special places. 
Again, the presumption is that a service is national when the 
State insists on its being carried out and on a certain standard 
of efficiency being reached." * 


The services which may be considered as coming within 
the definition of ** national " are poor relief, police, and criminal 
prosecutions, education, and the maintenance of main roads. 
The transfer to the State of the administration of these services 
is nevertheless out of the question. On the other hand, local 
authorities already receive financial assistance from the State 
in respect of many duties they undertake. Such assistance 
takes two forms — grants in aid from the Consolidated Fund, 
and the assignment of certain State revenues, for the per- 
formance of a specific duty, to the local authorities. The 
objection to grants in aid is that they encourage extravagant 

* Gd. 688, p. 11. 

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administration, the local authorities regarding them as a little 
Bdi«f derived from an inexhaastible source. The late Lord 
Goschen, when Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1890, com- 
menced the practice of assigning certain revenues, when he 
made over that derived from ihe additional beer and spirit 
duties, to the local authorities for a particular purpose — 
technical education — and the BoyiJ Commission on Local 
Taxation recommended an extension (A this system of 
assigned revenues as affording a broad and sound principle 
for relieving lociJ authorities of payment for national services. 

Rboent Dbvblopmbnts. 

Since 1901, when the Commission reported, changes have 
taken place in the relations between the local authorities and 
ihe State. It is asserted that the cost of the poor law will in 
due course be lessened by the operation of the Old Age 
Pensicms Act, tgid is immediately affected by the inclusion in 
the benefits of that Act of the paupers who were disqualified 
until January 1, 1911.^^ The Road Board, too, it is main- 
tained, will by its grants for the purposes of road improvement 
materially relieve the local authorities of capital expenditure, 
which otherwise they would have to incur. On the other 
hand the recent crushing taxation imposed on Hhe sale of 
intoxicating liquors has reduced consumption, and with it the 
revenue assigned^ as above stated, to technical education. 
The assessable value of licensed premises has, moreover, been 
so much reduced by the operation of the Lloyd George Budget 
that the rates are adversely affected. It was estimated by the 
(Government that since 1891 the annual cost to the London 
County Council alone resulting from various legislative enact- 
ments is over £500,000.f 

* The Gk>veniment estimate of the relief thus afforded to the rates is 
itt,6CO,000. See House of Ooaimons Questions and Answers, February 27, 

t Bee on this subject generally the Debates in the House of C<mim<ms 
on February 18 and 20, 1911. A small Gommittee has been appointed to 
consider developments of later date than that of the report of the Boyal 

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The Pbbsbubb of Efficibnot. 

Apart from increased expenditure directly caused by new 
legislation, there has been a general demand on the part of the 
State for increased efficiency, and for reforms on the part of 
the local authorities. The movement has been particularly 
apparent in regard to education, in respect of which equip- 
ments, buildings, and salaries are all rising in cost, and 
increasing the abready very heavy burden on the ratepayer. 
Public opinion, expert advice, and the pressure of the officials 
at Whitehall all make for higher expenditure. Local adminis- 
trators feel it to be a grievance that State officials can insist— 
upon expensive reforms without a thought for the cost, whiU 
they, who have no voice in framing such reforms, hav^ io 
provide for the whole of the increased expenditure. / The 
grievance is the more acutely felt because State assistazloe has 
steadily decreased in the last twenty years, not only in respect 
of education, but of local government services in general. 

The net result may be gathered from the increase in the 
annual rates in England and Wales in the ten years between 
1897-8 and 1907-8 from £37,605,000 to £59,623,000; while 
the total which local authorities have had to provide by 
rates, loans, and other methods has risen from £83,627,000 
to £140,107,000. 

An increase of £60,000,000 in ten years in the cost of local 
government proves that the question, especially in its relation 
to the State, is one of extreme gravity. It is no party matter ; 
indeed, Governments representing both the great parties are 
equally responsible. The dispute is between the State and the 
local authorities ; with the people, perhaps, on the side of the 
latter, since the burden of the rates is more directly and 
personally felt than the weight of Imperial taxation. 

Abgumbnts Fob and Against thb Finance of thb 
Budget of 1909. 


1. The present financial system is particalarly fair, since it places 
the biggest burden on the broadest back. 


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2. It is neither looiAlislio nor revolutionary since, with the ezcaption 
of the land taxes, recent Budgets have only provided for the natural 
development of existing taxes. 

8. Beoent Budgets have only removed the unfairness from which all 
other taxpayers suffered so long as rich monopolies, such as the land 
and liquor interests, did not contribute their fair share to the revenue. 

4. These monopolists are only now asked to pay as tax a share of the 
value of such part of their property as has been created by the aoti<Hi 
of the State. Although there has been increased national expenditure 
to meet the cost of social reform and defence no further taxes have been 
placed on food or on the necessaries of the people. 

5. The alternative is a tariff, with more taxes on food and dearer 
living, which would mean terrible hardships for the poor. 

6. Such a tariff would spare the well-to-do and rich monopolists at 
the expense of the hard-working wage-earners. 

7. The growth of national wealth in recent years has been so great 
that the chief owners thereof are well able to pay extra taxation. 

8. At the same time all classes, including the lowest, have been made 
to contribute towards the increased expenditure by the taxes upon spirits 
and tobacco. 

9. The allegation that capital is being frightened out of the country 
is a fairy tale, since no country in the world offers better security for 

10. The higher taxation of liquor licences is fuUy justified by the fact 
that the value of the licence is solely the creation of the State, and due 
to the limitation it imposes upon the number of such licences. 

11. The licensed dealer's monopoly is one the value of which is not 
due to the industry of the holder but to the action of the State, which 
is therefore at liberty to extinguish the licence whenever it thinks fit. 

12. There can be no question of confiscation when the State merely 
resumes possession of part of the property it has created and temporarily 
granted to licencees for expressly limited periods. 

13. By reducing the number of licences and thus making it unprofitable 
for the less desirable houses to continue to exist, temperance is en- 
couraged in proportion as the opportunities for drinking are decreased. 

14. The scale of duties which previously to the Budget of 1909 existed 
was utterly indefensible, the smaller houses having to pay licence duty 
out of all proportion to that paid by the larger licensed premises. 

15. The changes introduced in 1909 have abolished these inequalities, 
the proportion of licence duty to annual value being more nearly equaUsed 
for all licensed premises. 

16. The present financial system has shown itself to be capable of 
great development and expansion without unduly burdening any dait or 
interest or inflicting hardship upon the wage-earners by the taxation of 

17. The result is a conclusive vindication of ** Free Trade *' finance. 

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1. The lestriotions imposed upon the Ghancellor of the Exchequer by 
the policy of ** free imports " should be removed. 

2. The present basis of taxation must be broadened, sinoe revenue is 
at present derived only from limited and narrow sources. 

3. Taxation is, in consequence, unduly high on a few articles, which 
is unjust, and in the case of articles of consumption, bad for the revenue, 
since it limits consumption and pro tanto fails to provide the State with 
the revenue it requires. 

4. The best method of broadening the present basis of taxation and 
raising additional revenue is the adoption of a tariff upon foreign imports 
of manufactured goods. 

5. Other countries derive very large revenues from taxation of this 
character without expending an undue proportion of the receipts upon 
the cost of collection. 

6. Whereas under the existing system the English consumer pays 
every penny of the taxation imposed, there is good reason to believe that 
under a revenue tarifE the foreign importer would contribute no incon- 
siderable portion thereof. 

7. This burden is a great hardship to the poorer classes, whose tea, 
sugar, and tobacco are, as the result of taxation, immensely enhanced 
in price. 

8. The increased taxes on alcoholic liquors and licences, levied under 
the Finance Act of 1909, are out of all proportion to the ability of the 
licensed trade to pay. 

9. They are unjust burdens imposed upon a particular industry 
because it is notoriously opposed in politics to the Radical Party. 

10. The object of these taxes is to drive numbers of licence holders out 
of an industry in which their capital has been invested by making their 
business unprofitable. 

11. This reduction in the number of public-houses will, it is urged, 
encourage temperance ; but, if that object be attained, which is doubtful, 
the abolished licence-owners ought to be compensated for loss incurred 
by the extinction of the licence which represents their livelihood. 

12. The excessive death duties are objectionable inasmuch as they are 
taxes on capital and not on income. 

13. They occasion a steady diminution of capital which must 
inevitably disturb trade, impoverish the country, and cause unemploy- 

14. The death duties are unsound and deceptive, since their effect 
is to conceal the amount of the revenue which should properly be 
raised out of the national income to meet current expenditure. 

15. The fear of taxation of this character leads to the wholns^le 
exportation of capital and to the encouragement of foreign investments 
at the expense of British seouritiet. 

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16. The ezoeesive increase in income tox, and the additional imposition 
of the saper-tax, have the same effect. 

17. An nndnly high income tax is a burden on the trade and industry 
of the country, which, in the long run affects not only profits but 

18. Such ought only to be levied in times of great national emergency ; 
to maintain a very high income tax in days of peace is to deprive the 
nation in war-time of a reserve of taxation, which is especially efficacious 
in providing large sums quickly and without undue disturbance, and 
without the creation of new machinery. 

ABauMBNTs Fob and Against Land Taxbs. 


1. Land being a necessity of human existence, the original source of 
all wealth, limited in extent, and fixed in geographical position, is the 
greatest of all monopolies. There is nothing revolutionary or novel in 
the taxation of land values. 

2. For a quarter of a century such a tax has been discussed by 
Parliament and by the municipalities. 

8. The principle has twice been approved by a Tory House of Commons 
and has been accepted by 550 rating authorities. 

4. The tax is actually in operation in Australia and New Zealand, and 
in many important cities of Germany. 

5. It has proved a good source of revenue, not costly of collection, 
and has stimulated the outlay of capital and use of labour. 

6. It is founded upon the just principle that the increased value of 
land, due entirely to the action of the community, should accrue to the 
community and not go into the pocket of the private owner. 

7. In large cities land values reach fabulous figures without any outlay 
on the part of the owners, but as a consequence of the enterprise and 
industry of the community and of the expenditure of public money upon 
improvements. Such land values are clearly an unearned increment 
and a very proper object of taxation, which in that case takes nothing 
from the private individual resulting from his own expenditure, or his 
own exertions, but only appropriates for State purposes wealth created by 
the State. 

8. The value of buildings and of improvements of all kinds due to the 
expenditure of the owner is carefuUy excluded from taxation. 

9. The increase in the bare site value of the land alone is the subject 
of taxation. 

10. Gtenerous provision is made to obviate all possible hardship ; only 
20 per cent, of the increment is taken ; the first 10 per cent, on each 

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occasion of the levy of the tax goea free ; the duty may, in certain cases, 
be paid in instalments; small house-owners and small-holders are 

11. Decrement is allowed for, and protection is given to the owner 
whose land has fallen in value during the last twenty years, inasmuch 
as he is permitted to value at higher rates than the market value. 

12. Agricultural land, being the raw material of the farmer, is specially 
safeguarded from taxation. 

13. The taxation of undeveloped land, which has a building value and 
is withheld from the building market, is a just burden on the owner 
who holds it up for a rise in price. 

14. Any increase in value is due entirely to the action of the com- 
munity, and it is therefore only right that the owner should pay the 
State, «.«., the community, a portion of the increasing value, which, for 
private reasons, he omits to realise. 

16. His conduct is detrimental to the community, which he should 
therefore recompense for an omission which is generally induced by hope 
of greater future gains. 

16. Tucation of land values only places the holder-up of land on a level, 
in respect of taxation, with the enterprising owner, who develops his 
estate and is taxed accordingly. 

17. Owners of valuable unused land will thus be unable to escape from 
paying some share of the public burdens, and their taxation, by reducing 
the revenue which has to be made up by their industrious and enterprising 
neighbours, will remove a grievance and injustice. 

18. Since the levy of these taxes will make it no longer profitable for 
owners to obstruct industry and restrict employment by refusing to 
allow development of their land or by demanding prohibitive prices and 
rents, building operations must receive a considerable impetus.* 

19. Owners will now either have to pay the tax or ofEer their land for 
development at reasonable prices. Thus land will be forced into the 

20. And thus competition will bring down the price; houses and 
factories will consequently be cheaper; the housing question will be 
nearer solution, and industries will be relieved to a great extent of the 
dead weight of ground rents and high land prices by which they are now 

21. The valuation of all land, which is a condition of the imposition 
of these taxes, will also be a useful and necessary step towards the 
reform of the rating system. 

22. The register of valuation will become the normal basis for pur- 
chase by local authorities, and will render impossible the demand of 
unfairly high prices for land required for public improvements. 

* Experience has already proved this expectation to have been ill- 

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1. The taxation ot inorement in land is unfair, unless increment in 
other forms of property is also taxed. If land is limited in amount so 
is every other kind of property, nor does it differ from gold, silver, and 
other things in heing other thui the creation of human industry. 

8. It is unjust to single out one form of property for taxation. 

8. The taxation of land values is the first item in the Socialist scheme 
for confiscating the value of all forms of private property by taxation. 

4. It is only a preliminary to land nationalisation, which it seeks to 
attain not hy paying a fair price for the land but by reducing its value 
by taxation until it is either not worth keeping or obtainable by the 
State for a very low price. 

6. The individual under State, would be in a far worse position than 
under private, ownership ; the land would be managed by officials who 
would be bound by bureaucratic methods and only interested in procuring 
money for the State ; no indulgence such as they now obtain from private 
landlords would be shown when tenants were in difficulties. 

6. The capital value of the land has already been reduced by the 
amount of the capitalised value of the tax, and in consequence the 
security of mortgagees, who are the small investors in building societies, 
has been very much reduced. 

7. Such assets of friendly and insurance societies as are represented by 
ground rents — aod they are a very considerable proportion — have been 
much depreciated in value as a result of the imposition of these taxes. 

8. The land taxes produce now, and wiU always produce, but little 
revenue, since the value of land is not genendly and continuously 

9. In specially favoured localities it may increase in value, by no means 
always in consequence of the action of tiie community but by the con- 
struction of railways, or by the enterprise of private individuals in 
establishing new industries. 

10. If increment is taxed, allowance should be made for decrement 
caused by the State or the community, and no such allowance is really 

11. It is unjust to take away part of the increased value of one, and to 
leave the owner to bear the whole of the decreased value of another, 
piece of land. 

12. Land is not the monopoly of a few owners, but is directly, and 
indirectly through investment in friendly and building societies and 
insurance companies, in the ownership of millions, the vast majority of 
whom are by no means wealthy. 

18. The small savings of thrifty people who have invested in such 
companies and societies will be therefore subject to increased taxation. 
14. The leasehold system, which is denounced by landtaxers, enables 

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houses to be ereoted at a lower oapitnl cost than would be possible if the 
land had to be bought outright. 

15. There is no more reason for taxing a man on his profits when 
ground rents fall in than there is for taxing the profits of any other 
legal investment upon their receipt. 

16. Land is not unreasonably held up from building ; on the contrary, 
as is shown by the many empty houses in our large cities, the tendency 
is to over-build. 

17. It is unfair to tax land, not actually ripe for building purposes, 
which cannot be profitably developed. 

18. The undeveloped land duty is a penal tax which landowners will 
have to pay, if they will not embark upon speculative schemes of building 
for which there is no real demand. 

19. Site value being no real value, but being only fictitious and de- 
pendent entirely upon the valuer's personal opinion, is no proper basis 
for taxation. 

20. Agricultural land is only nominally, and not reaUy, exempted from 
the new taxes, to which it is subject as soon as its value rises above £50 
an acre. 

Abgumbntb fob and Aoainbt Taxing Mining Botaltibs, 


1. Mining royalties are a very proper subject of taxation, since they are 
entirely unearned by the recipient. 

2. The royalty owner does nothing to develop the minerals. He 
merely receives the fruits of the industry of others. 

8. When the miner suffers by the receipt of lower wages the owner still 
receives his royalty in full. 

4. Royalties are a tax on industry, which no private individual should 
be allowed to exact. 

6. This toll of the monopolist often exceeds the amount received as 
wages per ton by the miner, and it is therefore a better subject for taxa- 
tion than incomes earned by labour. 


1. Minerals are a form of property, and the owner ought not to be 
called upon to pay, upon the royalty he receives, an additional tax, which 
rents and profits from other forms of property escape. 

2. lOnerals are moreover a wasting property, and are for that reason 
the worst subject for special and extra taxation. 

8. Royalties do not escape taxation, but are subject to income tax like 
rent derived from other forms of property. 

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4. BojAlties are not ezcefisiye in this oonntry, and have not prevented 
the most extensive mineral development 6r interfered in any way with 
industrial expansion. 

6. The tax on mining royalties is a burden imposed on a particular 
class qud class, which is not shared by other classes, and as such violates 
the governing principle, that ability to pay, and not the source ol receipt, 
creates liability to taxation. 


The growth of national expenditure is treated and deprecated, perhaps 
not altogether without savour of partisanship, in ** The National Expendi- 
ture of the United Kingdom, with a preface by F. W. Hirst ** — a pamphlet 
published by The Economist. Another usefijd publication explaining our 
financial system is " The King's Bevenue : a Handbook to the Taxes and 
the Public Bevenue," by W. M. J. Williams. 

The Budget of 1909 was productive of many publications and much 
political literature of an ephemeral character. Its principal features are 
amply discussed and explained in the publications of the political parties. 
Among other pamphlets may be mentioned : ** The Budget, the Land and 
the People," with a preface by D. Lloyd (leorge, M.P., and "The Case 
against the Budget," by P. G. Gambray. Publications relating to the 
licensed trade are dealt with in the Bibliography attached to Chapter XIV. — 
Social Reform. The taxation of land values is supported in the publica- 
tions of The United Committee for the Taxation of Land Values 
(Broad Sanctuary Chambers, 20, Tothill Street, S.W.), and opposed in 
the publications of The Land Union (St. Stephen's House, Westminster, 
S.W.). An excellent summary of the evidence given before the Royal 
Commission on Local Taxation is found in Wilson Fox's "Rating of 
Land Values." 

For the relations between the State and local authorities in respect of 
finance the Final Report of the Royal Commission on Local Taxation, 
Cd. 688 of 1895, should be consulted. Reference should also be made 
to "National and Local Finance," by J, Watson Grice. 

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ONLY a few years ago the popular oonception of the 
Socialist was that of a fanatic, ill-dressed, long-haired, and 
red-tied, preaching revolution and republicanism, mouthing 
strange doctrines respecting <' equality of opportunity," 
*' increasing misery," " surplus value," "class consciousness," 
and so on, and holding peculiar views on marriage and family 
life. The picture was not entirely an effort of the imagination, 
and this type exists even to-day. But public opinion regards 
those who conform to it as an almost negligible quantity, and 
treats them itherefore with good-humoured toleration. 
Opponents of Socialism look upon the evolutionary Socialist 
as the more dangerous character, and direct their attack 
against his plan of campaign. 

Bevolutionaby Socialism. 

Bevolutionary Socialism in Great Britain possesses organisa- 
tions representing various degrees of extreme opinion, the 
largest, but not perhaps the most virulent, being the Social 
Democratic Party,* the programme of which is sufficiently 
thorough to satisfy all except those holding the most violent 
views. So far as its economic doctrines are concerned, it 
gives a loyal adherence to Earl Marx, and among its imme- 
diate reforms are the abolition of the Monarchy, the repudiation 

* Others are the Sooialist Party of Great Britain, and the Socialist 
Labour Party. The Social Democratic Party is to become the British 
Sooialist Party in the near future; but the present and better known 
name has been retained in this chapter. Justice is the weekly, and 
the Social Drnnocrat the monthly, organ of the Social Democratic Party, 
which also issues an annual publication. The Twentieth Century Prees, 
37a, Clerkenwell Green, E.G., is its printer and publisher. 


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of the National Debt, the institation of a oomulative tax on 
all annual moomes over £300, and a mmimnm wage of SOs. a 
week. It preaches the *' class war," and intends, if it can, to 
promote actual conflict.* It renounces the conventional views 
and observances of family life, marriage, and religion, is 
international, not national, and holds no communication with 
the evolutionary Socialists, upon whom it expends as much 
virulent invective as it discharges upon the devoted head of 
the capitalist. 

Thb Evolutionabt Sooialist. 

In fact, between the Social Democratic Party and the chief 
evolutionist organisation, the Labour Party, a great gulf is 
fixed. The latest dispensation indeed in the latter organisation 
repudiates much that the Social Democrats hold to be essential. 
The new school denies the necessity for a Socialist Party at 
all, and contemplates with equanimity the continued existence 
of the Empire as an organic whole ; does not altogether exdude 
the continued existence of kings, and tolerates the survival of 
the family, and even of the Church, as a voluntary organisation 
in the Socialist State. f Evolutionary Socialism,! indeed, is 
presented in such guise as to disarm opposition, and renounces 
many of the crudities and extremes of thought and doctrine 
which make the preparation of a counterblast against Socialism 
a child's holiday task. It does not aim at the creation of a 
new world by giving battle once and for all, and overthrowing 
the existing state of things, but is willing patiently to take 
advantage of such opportunities as present themselves, and 
does not hesitate to support legislation, which only in a small 
degree recognises or follows Socialist principles. It relies on 
the insertion of the thin end of the wedge, wherever a big 
breach cannot be made, and its leaders believe that when once 

* H. M. Hyndman, <* WiU SooiaUsm Benefit the EngUsh People ? " 
t See ** Sooialiam and Qoyemment," by J. Ramsay MacDonald, M.P., 
vol. a pp. 12, 104^, 131, 187. 

t The evolutionary Socialist groups are the Fabian Society, the Inde- 
pendent Labour Party, the Clarion organisations, and the Labour 

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the prinoiple is oonoeded and none of the dread results pre- 
dicted follow, there will be little difficulty in future in extending 
its application, and in obtaining legislative sanction for the full 
programme of the party. 

MoDBBN Tendencies Towabds Sooialibm. 

These tactics are considerably assisted by the tendencies of 
modem political thought, in which social reform occupies a 
very prominent place. The evil things of this life are to be 
legislated out of existence, the rough places are to be made 
smooth, dark lives brightened, bad conditions of living re- 
moved, and all the hardships of the poor relieved. Measures 
to achieve such ends are welcomed, though the method 
adopted may be, and often is, impracticable and Socialistic. 
But if opposition is offered loud cries are raised to heaven 
against the objectors, accusing them of want of sympathy 
with others less happily circumstanced than themselves, and 
thus sound criticism of Socialistic extravagances is misrepre- 
sented and ignored. Hence measures become law the objects 
of which are excellent, but the provisions of which may be 
open to every possible economic and legislative objection. In 
such instances opposition can always be called selfish and 
attributed to the worst motives, and it is thus often terrorised 
into silence — especially in the case of party politicians, to 
whom votes are of importance, and who know how easily 
their actions can be misrepresented for electoral purposes.''' 
Afterwards when it is charged against a measure that it is 
a piece of impracticable Socialism, the absence of opposition 

* Perhaps the most prominent example of this kind of misrepresen- 
tation oocorred in respect of an amendment to the Old Age Pension Bill. 
Lord Cromer, a Free Trade Unionist, if of any party label, moved to 
limit the duration of the Act to December 31, 1916, with the object of 
then revising the system in the light of the knowledge gained by 
experience. This is misrepresented on every Radical and Socialist plat- 
form as a deliberate attempt to bring Old Age Pensions to an end— the 
more reprehensible because Lord Cromer himself enjoys a State 
pension — and because his action was supported by the Unionist peers, 
there is hardly an election in which it is not aUeged that the Unionist 
Party tried to take away from the old people their five shillings a week. 

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aa the part of oonvineed witi-SooialiBts is cited as a proof 
of agreement. Thus the Socialists compel silence and call it 

The Weapon op Class Pbbjudice. 

Appeals to class prejudices are the favourite weapon of the 
Socialist. The outbreak of feeling against the Budget of 
1909 was met not only by a defence of the proposed taxation 
as sound finance, but on popular platforms at any rate, by 
accusations of selfishness against the propertied classes, who 
were represented as unwilling to contribute towards the many 
yaluable and humanitarian schemes for the amelioration of the 
conditions of the poor, which depended for their success upon 
the proceeds of the new taxes. 

This weapon of class prejudice was also freely used by 
Radical orators and even by Cabinet Ministers, which not only 
amounted to a recognition of its great value in electioneering, 
but contributed in no small degree to breaking down the slight 
barrier which still existed between the Radical and the 
Socialist. It is not suggested that the Radical Party accepts 
all the doctrines of the Socialists ; but it cannot be denied that 
there is a considerable quantity of ground common to both 
parties, that to a great extent they are working on the same 
lines, and though the Radical may not for the present be pre- 
pared to go so far as the Socialist, it is the Socialistic wing 
which dominates the Coalition Government of Mr. Asquith, 
in regard to matters in respect of which the Irish supremacy 
is not asserted. 

Radicals and Sooialism. 

The time has passed when Mr. Asquith declined '* to go wool- 
gathering with the Socialists,"'*' and his Chancellor of the 
Exchequer found no difficulty in recommending the electors to 
vote for Mr. Lansbury, a Socialist of a pronounced type.t 
A further proof that there is little or no objection in principle 
to co-operation between the two parties is seen in the 

* Ladybank, October 13, 1906. 

t Mr. Lloyd George, M.P., at Mile End, November 21, 1910. 

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readiness with which the miners' representatives in the House 
of Commons, with but few exceptions, transferred their 
allegiance from the Liberal to the Labour Party, the latter 
body, being avowedly a Socialist organisation.'^ 

Thb Tbiumph of Fabianism. 

This changed attitude of theBadical Party towards Soi^ialism 
is a triumph for the Fabian Society, a body small in numbers, 
which nevertheless exercises tremendous influence, possessing, 
as it does, members of considerable intellectual ability, and 
exacting no political allegiance from its adherents, who 
style themselves Liberal, Labour, or Progressive as their fancy 
dictates.! This Society is opposed to revolutionary tactics, 
its policy being one of "permeation," the meaning of 
which has been disclosed by Bernard Shaw in Fabian Tract 
No. 41. **We urged our members," he writes, "to join the 
Liberal and Radical Associations. We told them to become 
members of the nearest Radical Club and Go-operative Store, 
and to get delegated to the Metropolitan Radical Federation, 
and the Liberal and Radical Union if possible. On these 
bodies we made speeches and moved resolutions, or, better 
still, got the parliamentary candidate for the constituency to 
move them, and secured reports and encouraging little articles 
for him in the Star. We permeated the party organisations 
and pulled all the wires we could lay our hands on with our 
utmost adroitness and energy. . . . Our mission is to Socialise 
the Press as we hope to Socialise Parliament and the other 
Estates of the realm, not to run the Press ourselves." I The 

* ** For aU praotioal purposes the British Labour Party was a Socialist 
party " (Mr. Philip Snowden, M.P., Smethwiek Telephone, Maroh 4, 1911). 

t Fabian members of the Labour Party are Messrs. Keir Hardie, Lans- 
bury, Orooks, Snowden, Hudson, O'Grady, Pointer, and GFoldstone. The 
following Radical members of Parliament are Fabians : L. G. Chiosza 
Money, Percy Alden, H. G. Chancellor, A. BendaU. Other Liberal 
Fabians are Messrs. Edward Oadbury, Joseph Fels, Bev. John Clifford, 
and Bev. B. J. CampbeU. Prominent Fabians are Messrs. Bernard Shaw, 
Sidney Webb, Mrs. Webb, and Sir Sydney Olivier. 

{ The whole of tbis Tract is worth careful study as an illustration of 
tbe tactics of the most dangerous of the Socialist organisations. 

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first viotory of Fabianism was gained in the London County 
Council, whose policy was for years dictated by the Fabian 
Society wholly without the knowledge of the electors. 

Thb Llotd Gbobgb Budgbt. 

The policy of "permeation" has now so far extended 
through the Radical Party that it occupies common ground 
with the Socialists, and all its legislation has a definitely 
Socialistic flavour. This was particularly marked in the 
case of the Lloyd George Budget, which was hailed with 
delight by every evolutionary Socialist as giving them a 
" chimk '* of Socialism,* and as being altogether *' splendid." t 
The Chancellor of the Exchequer was patronisingly praised by 
the Socialists as " a great and apt pupil." I They welcomed 
his Budget not only for the super-tax, and the increased death 
and licensing duties, but particularly for the duties on incre- 
ment of land values. Their only regret was that Mr. Lloyd 
George did not see his way to take more than 20 per cent., 
and they wanted the other 80 per cent, as W6ll.§ But they 
recognised that the Budget was as good as could have been 
expected from a Socialist Chancellor of the Exchequer in his 
first year of office. || 

Socialism and Social Rbfobm. 

Taxation is everywhere recognised by the Socialists as a 
powerful method of gaining their ends. They look beyond its 
simpler function of providing revenue, and regard it as a 
weapon in the fight against private ownership whereby 
property can be transferred to the State without the for- 

* Mr. G. N. Barnes, M.P., at Scarborough. Standard^ November 1, 
t N$v} Age, May 6, 1909. 

I Mr. Philip Snowden, M.P., House of Commons, May 5, 1909. Par- 
liamentary Debates, p. 1071. 

§ " Mr. Lloyd George wanted 20 per cent, of unearned increment ; he 
wanted the oUier 60. That was the only difierence between Mr. Lloyd 
George and himself *.' (Mr. T. F. Biohards, M.P., Sutton Qoldfteld, The 
Times, August 8, 1909). 

II New Age, August 12, 1909. 

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mi^ty of purchase or payment. But while taxation can avail 
to confisoate, it cannot construct. Constructive social reform 
is not, however, the monopoly of the Socialist Party, though 
they would like it to be so believed. As will be shown in 
the next chapter, social reform can stand apart from 
Socialism. The Socialist in his measures of social reform 
makes the State predominant ; the social reformer who is not 
a Socialist endeavours to lend the assistance of the State to 
those who show themselves worthy in their own individual 
aspect. The difference is admirably illustrated by the rival 
schemes of Old Age Pensions. The Socialist supports the 
non-contributory scheme under which the State pays all alike 
regardless of the position of the individual. The non-Socialist, 
encouraging the individual, assists him in proportion to his 
own contributions to the Old Age Pension fund. So in con- 
nection with the National Insurance Bill it will be found that 
Socialist opposition is particularly directed against those 
clauses which throw partial responsibility on the individual. 
Their amendments are directed towards the exclusion of 
individual responsibility, the exaltation of the State, and the 
exaction of sJl benefits from the pockets of the taxpayer. 
Their hostility is entirely due to the fact that the Government 
did not make the scheme non-contributory, as they did in the 
case of Old Age Pensions, but have placed it upon a con- 
tributory basis. For the most part, however, the Liberal 
Government have proceeded along the lines of evolutionary 
Socialism, as in their Old Age Pension scheme, the provision 
of meals for school children, and the Small Holdings Act, and 
though Socialistic principles are not quite so apparent in 
measures such as Town Planning, Labour Exchanges, and so on, 
they concede two principles which every Socialist regards with 
approbation. These are the extension of State activity into 
quarters hitherto left to individual enterprise, and the increase 
of the number of State officials. The wider the extension and 
the larger the number the better pleased are the Socialists with 
such marked advances towards the realisation of their ideals, 
and in both these aspects Socialistic thought has had great 
influence upon the policy of the Government of Mr. Asquith 
and bis predecesdor. 

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<<Egonouio Libsbalism.*' 

There are, indeed, but few thoughtful Liberals who do not 
now believe that this absorption of Socialistic thought will be 
considerably accelerated in the future. Attempts may be made 
to describe the new policy as " economic Liberalism "or by 
some such name for the benefit of those members of the party 
who would shrink from a definite Socialist label. A few such 
may still exist, but their influence is a negligible quantity. 
Evolutionary Socii^sm will exercise increasing influence over 
Liberal policy in proportion as " permeation " proceeds.* 

Although many Liberal ** intellectuals " are Socialists in the 
Fabian way, and can therefore be depended upon to infuse 
into Liberal measures the Socialistic spirit, evolutionary 
Socialism has scored its greatest triumph by the capture 
of the Trade Unions. 

The Laboub Pabty. 

The Labour Party in the House of Commons includes 
declared Socialists, such as representatives of the Independent 
Labour Party and Trade Unionists, who may or may not be 
Socialists in the full sense of the word, but who are not, at 
any rate, opposed to Socialism, and approve of the immediate 
parliamentary policy of the Labour Party, which has declared 
its approval of the doctrine of the socialisation of the means of 
production, distribution, and exchange, but does not for the 
present profess anything more definite in the way of a policy. 
Nevertheless the leaders and 'Office bearers of the party are 
declared Socialists, and they are admirably backed by the 
Trade Union leaders in the country, who are for the most part 
of the same political belief. There is, of course, nothing 
unusual in organisations officially non-political and non- 
Socialist coming under the influence of the Socialist Party. 
It is the fate of organisations to come under the control of 
their most active members, and such in the Trade Union 
movement are generally Socialists. The vast majority of 
Trade Unionists are content to make use of the Trade Unions 

* See " Liberalism," by Professor L. T. Hobhoose, especially chaps, viil. 
and iz. 

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for their primary purposes of regulating wages and hours of 
labour, providing sick, superannuation, and unemployment 
benefits, and acting as employment agencies. Beyond this 
their interest ceased; but the Trade Unions as political 
organisations, although with few exceptions non-Socialistic, 
have now become part of the Socialist machine. 

The Capture of the Trade Unions. 

There is no place here to tell the history of Trade Unionism 
or to trace its growth from a purely labour organisation into a 
political association. Even now the transformation is not 
complete in law, whatever it may be in fact. Trade Unionists 
when their interests were threatened were of one mind, and 
acted as one harmonious whole. Witness the agitation which 
followed upon the judgment in the Tafif Vale Case. But on 
general public questions they may, and do, hold different 
opinions one from another. Socialists, Conservatives, and 
Liberals all join Trade Unions for protection and assistance as 
workers in certain industries. For the better carrying out of 
that purpose Trade Unionists have for many years been 
returned to the House of Commons. They went there 
primarily as Trade Unionist representatives, and were under 
no obligation to act or vote with any political party. No 
doubt the Conservative Trade Unionist had to contribute 
towards the salary of a Trade Unionist M.P. who usually 
associated himself with the Liberal Party and supported 
Liberal legislation. But he did so recognising that the pay- 
ment was for Trade Union services in Parliament, and that 
when the member entered the Trade Union lodge he left his 
political convictions outside, and was not a Liberal, but 
entirely a Trade Unionist, representative. Otherwise he was 
perfectly free to follow the dictates of his conscience in respect 
of political matters. 

In 1900, however, the Labour Bepresentation Committee 
was formed, and upon it were representatives of the Inde- 
pendent Labour Party, the Social Democratic Federation, 'i' 

* The Sooial Democratic Federation retired at the end of the first 


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ftQd tlie Trade UniouB. The Labour Bepres^itaidon Com-* 
mittee was materially assisted at the General Blection of 
1906 by the TafF Vale Judgment, which, threatening the 
liberties of all Trade Unionists, led them to support Labour 
candidates* who at that time were not necessarily Socialists, 
but in very many instances retained their old oha^racter of 
Trade Union representatives.* 

After the General Election of 1906 the Socialist section, 
which had been striving to oust the Liberal-Labour type, took 
definite action, t The Liberal- Labour men who declined to 
adopt a SociaUst attitude were harried out of public life, and 
the adhesion of the Miners' Federation to the Labour Party 
largely added to its parliamentary strength. 

*' The Osbobne Judgment." 

But these additions were in practice to prove a source of 
weakness, and not of strength, to the movement. To tiie 
funds of the Labour Party, Trade Unions are by far the largest 
contributors. The levy is in practice always compulsory, tiboogh 
sometimes voluntary in theory : every Trade Unionist, what- 
ever his political convictions, must pay or cease to be a 
member and lose his benefits, and his contributions go towards 
the support of the Labour Party, an avowedly Socialistic 
organisation, however much he may oppose their poUcy. 
The last straw was that the contributions from the Trade 
Unions, which are far larger than those of the Socialist 
bodies, who made up the Labour Party went in part in 

* ** There was no definite dividiog line at the election between Sooialism 
and Labour, on the one hand, or between Labour and LiberaUsm on the 
other " (T. Kirkup, " History of Socialism,** 1906 edition, p. 333). 

f They had from the beginning secured predominance on the Labour 
Bepresentation Committee. ** The Socialists attained a power from the 
very first out of aU proportion to their numerical strength ; for notwith- 
standing that 545,316 Trade Unionists were represented and only 22,861 
Socialists, yet the rules provided that the Executive Committee should 
consist of seven from the Trade Unions and five from the SociaUsts. . . . 
Whereas those selected from the Socialist body would aU be Socialists, 
some chosen by the Tradd Unions would also be Sooialitto.*' (W. Y. 
Osborne, " My Case,** p. 11). 

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support of candidates who might not be Trade Unionists, but 
were certainly Socialists.* 

The compulsory levy was obnoxious to both Conservative 
and Liberal Trade Unionists. There was no predominance 
of Trade Unionism in the equipment of the new type of Labour 
Member, who was not necessarily a Trade Unionist at all. 
He might be a Socialist, and he was bound to follow the 
Labour Party. Trade Unionists felt this injustice so strongly 
that they began to take legal action, and the suit brought 
by Mr. Walter Osborne was regarded as the test case. He, 
a member of the Amalgamated Society of Bailway Servants, 
and a Liberal, sought to restrain his Trade Union from 
making a compulsory levy for parUamentary representation, 
and won his case. The Socialists carried the matter to 
the House of Lords, but without success. Mr. Osborne won, 
and injunction after injunction subsequently issued restrain- 
ing the Trade Unions from supporting Socialist candidates for 
Parliament.! The Socialist Party, who were so eager to 
make Mr. Osborne observe what they conceived to be the 
law, resolved to defy it when defined by the Courts of 
Justice. I They have declared their intention of accepting 
nothing less than the complete reversal of the Osboma 
Judgment. § They who are all for liberty and a^gainst 
tyranny are determined to make their poUtical o^^onents 
contribute towards their support in ParUament, for the 
levy is in practice compulsory. Trade Unionists most con- 

* The Independent Labour Party, for instanoe, oontributed £288 in 
1910-11 to the funds of the Labour Party, but reoeived £1,800. 

f An incident of the fight was the expulsion of Mr. Osborne from the 
A.S.B.S., and the dissolution of the Walthamstow branch, of which he 
was a member. 

{ «Not one single Trade Unionist candidate ought to have spent one 
single brass farthing of Trade Union money last December, but scores of 
tiiem did" (Mr. J. Bamsay MacDonald, M.P., Leicester Daily Post, 
February 3, 1911). ''At the recent election &>rty members reoeived 
financial aid contrary to the Judgment, and at a Conference in Leicester 
the other day practically every one of the 460 who attended it, did so 
contrary to the decision of the judges ** (Mr. J. lUmsay MacDonald, 
M.P., House of Commons, February 6, 1911). 

§ House of Commons BiU, No. 89 of 1911. 

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tribute or cease to be members, losing their contributions of 
years and the benefits they have earned. No one, it is true, 
is bound to become a Trade Unionist. But these very 
men would be the first to compel all workers to do so, 
either by physical force, or by the not less efiectiye means of 
insisting on the door to employment being otherwise closed 
against them. 

The Libbbal Solution. 

The Bill introduced in 1911 * by the Coalition Govemment 
affords the harassed unpolitical Trade Unionist little relief. 
It permits Trade Unions to become political associations and 
allows their funds to be used for political objects! if a 
majority of the members voting by ballot approve such use. 
It exempts members from the obligation to contribute towards 
the political fund, providing they give notice of their unwilling- 
ness to contribute. Such notice has to be given in statutory 
form, a provision which, while it nominally leaves the con- 
tribution voluntary, in fact makes the objector a marked man. 
No one who has any knowledge of the treatment accorded to 
the minority by Trade Unions can have any doubt as to the 
fate of the member who holds out against the active agitators in 
his Union. Any ordinary member, whatever his wishes, will 
acquiesce and pay his contributions rather than run the risk 
of worse evils. 

The exemption is a sham. If the Government were really 
bent on relieving the conscientious objector they would make 
the payment of contributions to the political fund a purely 
voluntary act, and not require a Trade Unionist to make a 
statutory declaration of his political opinions, which are, or 
ought to be, his own private possession. But such a 
provision would not suit the Socialists, who know that the 
majority of Trade Unionists are hostile or indifferent and 
could not be relied upon of their own free will to finance the 

* House of Commons Bill, No. 226 of 1911. 

f The political objects are payment of candidates' expenses for parlia- 
mentary or local government elections, their maintenance after election, 
political meetings, and political literature. 

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Labour Party in the House of Commons. Henoe there must 
be compulsion, if of a veiled and indirect character. 

A Question of Pxjblio Policy. 

There is, however, an aspect of this matter which touches 
the public life of the country. It is not merely a domestic 
question as between Trade Unionists. Under the Trade Disputes 
Act of 1906 Trade Unions have been granted immunity from 
liability for their civil wrongs. When they are recognised 
as having the right to become, as they will become, 
political associations, can they also be allowed immunity 
from liability for civil wrongs inflicted upon opponents in 
the pursuit of their political ends ? And if the answer be in 
the affirmative will the like immunity be extended to other 
political associations, such as the Tariff Eeform and the 
Primrose Leagues ? No one would listen to such a proposal. 
But no distinction can be drawn in principle, and the public 
can hardly afford to allow Trade Unions acting as political 
associations to occupy such an exceptional position as puts 
them beyond the reach of responsibility for their political 
activities. To accord so privileged a position to these power- 
ful political organisations would be a potential menace to the 
liberties of every subject of the State. * 

No settlement of this vexed question has been reached 
though the future of Trade Unions is involved, and though 
identification with Socialism is already discrediting the Trade 
Unions by giving rise to suspicions of their single-minded pur- 

* See on this point Mr. Frederic Harrison's letters to The Times of 
June 6, 1911. The resolution in favour of paying members of Parliament 
£400 a year, which was passed on August 10, 1911, on the motion of the 
guardian of the public purse, the GhanoeUor of the Exchequer, without 
any mandate from the electorate, was put forward to conciliate the 
Labour Party, which expressed dissatisfaction with the Government 
Bill. Though the party readily accepted the £400, which is, of course, 
forced on all members that a few may be gratified, their spokesman said 
that *' payment of members must be justified or condemned on a totaUy 
different ground from the Osborne Bill." The pull at the pubUc purse 
which has been unremitting during the ChanceUorship of Mr. Qeotgp is 
evidently not going to be relaxed* 

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po86 and good faith. Trade Unionism cannot, withont loding 
much of its proper and legitimate influence, be identified with 
party politics. Socialists, however, may be trusted not to relax 
their grip upon associations which present them with a ready- 
made organisation, and with far-reaching branches. The 
political and parliamentary power thus gained enables 
them to exert Socialistic influence upon Liberal legislation. 
Pure revolutionary Socialism has but little hold in the 
country, and by itself stands very small chance of acceptance. 
But shorn of its crudities and violence, supported by 
liberalism and Labour, it stands a far better chance of 
making progress. The evolutionary Socialist knows this, 
and fcH: the sake of immediate advancement, be it but a 
short step, he is ready to adapt his Socialist creed to the 
opportunities of the moment. If he approximates more or less 
towards Liberalism in his views, the Liberal on his piurt 
makes spirited advances towards Socialism. Condemned as 
atoiitor to the cause though the evolutionary Socialist may 
be by his revolutionary colleague, he has at least, by confusing 
the issue, made it easier to obtain the co-operation of the 
Liberal Party, and harder for such Liberal opponents as 
remain, and for the new Conservatives, to oppose the whole 
system of Socialism root and branch, lock, stock, and barrel. 




1. ProTision for the expenses of parliamentary representation is wholly 
distinct from, and is not included in, the objects of a Trade Union, as 
contained in the Trade Union Acts. 

2. Since the Trade Unions include members of every shade of political 
opinion, it is not just that a majority should compel a minority to 
support by subscriptions political opinions which are obnoxious to them. 

8. The injustice is the more pronounced since the minority by refusing 
to subscribe to the parliamentary levy, which is always compulsory in 
practice, lose benefits for which they have subscribed, perhaps, for many 

4. The penalty of refusal is expulsion, which may lead to unemploy- 

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ment, sinoe not infrdquently Trade TTnionisti ddoline to iro^ with 
non-Union members. 

5. Trade Unions are, by law, placed in an exceptional position, and 
have a statutory immunity from the ordinary consequences of certain 

6. This immunity was conferred on the understanding that Trade 
Unions confined their activities to the relations between masters and 
workmen, and to other important and well-defined objects, such as 
benefits to members, insurances, and so on, which fairly come within 
the ambit of a Trade Union's functions. 

7. The fact that Trade Unions were given this immunity is proof that 
it was not contemplated that their activities should extend to political 
propagandism and parliamentary representation. 

8. It cannot be argued that a political body should be granted such 
immunity from the consequences of their actions as Tradd Unions enjoy 
in respect of acts done in pursuance of their proper functions. 

9. It is against public policy to procure members of Parliament who are 
bound to vote in a prescribed manner, and in consideration of that 
condition secure financial assistance towards their election expenses, and 
their maintenance, if returned to Parliament. 

10. Such conditions are inconsistent with the position of a person who 
accepts a public trust by becoming a member of Parliament, since they 
lead him to execute that trust subject to actual or potential duress and 
deprive him of his freedom to act on each occasion as he conscientiously 
feels to be best in the public interest. 

11. The system in reality disfranchises certain constituencies since 
therein it substitutes for a member representing all classes and interests 
a paid delegate bound to put the claims of those who pay him before all 
other considerations. 

12. Parliament being summoned by the Sovereign to advise His Majesty 
freely, this money payment destroys or imperils that function of freedom 
of advice which is inherent in the very constitution of Parliament. 

18. There can be no complete freedom for Trade Unionists unless the 
principles of the Osborne Judgment are maintained. 

14. If Trade Unionists want parliamentary representation let them 
subscribe voluntarily towards the expenses of election and maintenance. 

15. Unless the system is purely voluntary, and is worked apart from 
the official organisation of the Trade Union, it wiU in practice be 

16. There should be no provision for identifsring the member who 
declines to subscribe to the parliamentary levy. 

17. The provision in the Bill of the Liberal Government requiring the 
dissentient member to declare and sign his intention not to contribute 
will at once make him a marked man. 

18. Such exemption is consequently of an illusory character, and in no 
way maintains freedom of political action for the minority man^ 

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19. It would, in fact, annul the law as interpreted by the Osborne 
Judgment, since few Trade Unionists will venture to make a public 
declaration of their political attitude. 

aO. The onus of a public declaration should Ml, if at all, on the man 
who is willing to contribute voluntarily towards the political activities 
of the Trade Unions. 


1. Bepresentation by, and payment of, Trade Union members of Par- 
liament has been in operation since 1874, so the situation is one of long 
standing and of general acceptance. 

2. The conduct of these representatives has not shown that their pay- 
ment and the conditions of their election have degraded public life. 

3. On the contrary the Trade Union members have been among the 
most highly respected in Parliament. 

4. The amount in dispute is really very small, so far as the individual 
Trade Unionist is concerned, the levy amounting to no more than one 
shilling a year, of which tenpence is kept by the Trade Union itself, and 
only twopence goes to the funds of the Labour Party. 

6. The Trade Union leaders took every precaution to ascertain whether 
the levies could be properly made, obtaining the best legal advice, which 
was fovourable to their action. 

6. Without the existing system of Trade Union representation there 
will be no real working-class representation in the House of (Commons. 

7. Payment of members is no remedy, for while it enables the less 
wealthy to go to Westminster, it does not necessarily mean that they 
will be working-class representatives. 

8. The only way to secure Trade Union representation is to make the 
members, if the majority so decide, pay for political action ; the majority 
in Trade Unions, as elsewhere, must govern. 

9. It is impossible for a Trade Union to carry on its legitimate work 
unless it engages in political action. 

10. The concentration of capital, the use which it makes of political 
power, and the interference of the State in industrial affairs make labour 
representation absolutely necessary. 

11. So much are the interests of labour concerned with legislation, that 
they cannot be properly satisfied by deputations to Ministers. 

12. These increased activities are of recent growth, and the old narrow 
conception of a Trade Union's functions consequently requires revision 
and extension. 

13. The minority, who object to the political opinions of the 
representative in the House of Commons, enjoy, nevertheless, all the 
benefits which his presence brings in respect of Trade Unions and labour 

H, It is unjust that the minority should escape paying the levies, 

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while it enjoys all the benefits which Trade Union representation brings 
to the workers as a whole in the industry concerned. 

15. The Bill of the Liberal Government, inasmuch as it falls short of 
establishing the principle of majority rule, and gives the minority man 
permission to contract out of the obligation imposed upon the Trade 
Union by the majority, fails to afiord a complete and satisfactory 
solution of the question. 

16. The recognition of the minority is in reality entirely one-sided ; 
the BiU grants the minority man aU he wants in respect of contracting 
out, but when it is the minority who want representation, against the 
decision of the majority, and are willing to pay for it, no provision is 
made for giving effect to their wishes. 


Of the making of books for and against Socialism there would seem 
to be no end, and the student may well be aghast at the formidable 
list of volumes on the subject. Those mentioned in the following 
paragraphs are but the most useful for a preliminary study of the 
question; but they abound in references to other volumes which may 
afterwards be read. 

Pamphlets, leaflets, and publications of the like character are issued on 
the Socialist side by The Labour Party (28, Victoria Street, S.W.) ; The 
Independent Labour Party (23, Bride Lane, Fleet Street, E.G.) ; and The 
Fabian Society (3, Clement's Inn, E.G.). Revolutionary Socialism is 
explained in the publications of the Social Democratic Party (Twentieth 
Gentury Press, 31a, Glerkenwell Green, E.G.). 

Periodical publications are : Justice, weekly, and the Social Democrat, 
monthly, issued by the Social Democratic Party. The Labowr Leader, 
weekly, and the Socialist Beview, monthly, are the organs of the Independent 
Labour Party. The New Age maintains an independent position, as 
does The Clarion, both weekly papers. 

Anti-Socialist literature may be obtained from The Anti-Socialist 
Union (68 & 60, Victoria Street, S.W.) and The London Municipal 
Society, Department of Anti-Socialist Economics (Tothill Street, 
Westminster, S.W.). 

The Anti-Socialist Union publish an excellent ^* Speakers' Handbook " 
against Socialism ; and the London Municipal Society a comprehensive 
**Gase Against Socialism.'' A volume criticising Socialism, more from 
its theoretical aspect, is W. H. Mallock's <*Gritical Examination of 
Socialism." F. Ireson's " People's Progress " : a study of facts in relation 
to national wealth, with some answers to Socialists, should be read by 
all students. 

Other valuable Anti-SooiaUst publications are : ** British Socialism," 
by J. Ellis Barker; ''Present Day Socialism and the Problem of the 

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Unemployed" by G. E. Baine; "Socialism in Local Qovanmient," by 
W. G. Towler. 

Thomas Kirkup*s ** History of Socialism " is written from the Socialist 

Popular manuals of Socialism which enjoy an extraordinarily wide 
circulation are Robert Blatchford's <* Britain for the British" and 
«Merrie England." ''The Socialist Movement," by J. Bamsay Mac- 
Donald, M.P., in The Home University Library, is a useful little 

More serious contributions to Socialist literature are the volumes of 
the ** Socialist Library," which is issued by the Lidependent Labour 
Party ; the two which should certainly be studied are *' Socialism and 
Society " and ** Socialism and Government," both by J. Bamsay 
MaoDonald, M.P. Small Socialist manuals which are worth reading 
are '*The Woman Socialist," by Ethel Snowden; *'From Serfdom to 
Socialism," by J. Keir Hardie, M.P.; "The Socialist's Budget," by 
Philip Snowden, M.P.; "The Socialist's Church," by Stewart D. 
Headlam ; " Labour and the Empire," by J. Bamsay MaoDonald, M.P. ; 
"The Socialist's City," by P. W. Jowett, M.P. 

**The Economics of Socialism," by H. M. Hyndmau, the leader of 
the Social Democratic Party, should certainly be read; while for 
statistical purposes "Biches and Poverty," by L. G. Ghiozza Money, M.P., 
a Fabian, is constantly used by Socialists. 

Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb's "History of Trade Unionism," and 
"Industrial Democracy," should be consulted for information respecting 
the growth of the Trade Union Movement. 

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MEASURES of social reform are to-day rarely treated on 
party lines. They partake for the most part of the 
nature of extensions and developments of principles of State 
regulation of industrial and social conditions, which have 
been accepted, more or less completely, by all parties. 
This consensus of opinion is apparent in the treatment 
in Parliament of the detailed and technical clauses of 
factory, mines, and housing Bills. Discussions of the 
provisions of such measures is properly conducted in 
the less formal and more private atmosphere of the 
committee-room rather than in the formal publicity of 
the House of Commons itself. Thus opportunities are 
afforded to the interests affected by any specific measure to 
explain their case undisturbed by electoral and political 
considerations. It therefore constantly happens that pro- 
visions become law which may appreciably affect the lives 
and conditions of a large industrial element in the population 
without the general public becoming aware of their existence 
and without political capital being made out of their adoption. 
Such conditions favour the passage of measures of social 
reform which otherwise might be prejudiced by the ease with 
which any opposition or amendment is misrepresented. 

What abb Mbasubbs of Sooial Reform? 

It is around those measures which are on the border-line 
between social reform and politics that battles are waged. 
Supporters of any such proposal naturally desire to attach 
to it whatever advantage may be obtained from the label 
*' social reform," while its opponents look upon its objects 


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as purely political, and are indisposed to treat it as a genuine 
measure deserving of that name. Of this character was the 
Licensing Bill of 1908. Advocated by its supporters as a 
good temperance measure, it was denounced by opponents 
as a purely political Bill for the confiscation of the property 
of opponents. 

It is impossible, however, to deny that the Coalition Govern- 
ment of Mr. Asquith has a thorough appreciation of the electoral 
advantages of a policy of social reform. The Old Age Pen- 
sions scheme, boldly passed first and financed afterwards, 
gained for them tens and hundreds of thousands of votes. 
What greater contrast could be drawn than that which loomed 
large between the Liberals, who gave the pensions, and the 
Unionists, who discussed the question at great length for 
many years, but did nothing? Every Opposition, indeed, is 
placed in a very awkward position in respect of measures 
of social reform introduced by the party in power, which 
are sufficiently attractive to command general support. If 
the Opposition opposes it is represented as being indifferent 
to the sufferings the measure purports or pretends to relieve ; 
if it co-operates with the party in power in passing the 
measure its assistance is placed to the credit of the 

The latter, indeed, may be praised with some show of reason 
for promising to develop a policy of social reform but the 
Opposition, when it co-operates with its adversaries to this 
end, is regarded as wanting in sincerity, and merely animated 
by a desire to outbid the party in power. 

Unionists and Sooial Befobm. 

In view of this handicap, of the brevity of political memories, 
and the non-existence of political gratitude, it is not matter 
for surprise that acceptance is being found for the creed 
industriously propagated by the Radical Party, of which the 
chief tenet is the allegation that they are particularly and 
conspicuously the party of sooial reform, and that their 
opponents, the Unionists, are the party of privilege and 
wanting in the qualities of humanity and sympathy with the 

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poorer classes of the oommonity. As a matter of history the 
Conservative Party can show a record of social legislation 
of vsrhich any party might vsrell be proud, and vsrhich is in 
respect of Acts passed far ahead of the Liberal record in the 
same behalf. It has indeed to its credit a long series of 
measures for ameliorating the conditions of labour in 
factories, mines, and workshops ; for protecting the workers 
from accidents, and for compensating those who have 
had the misfortune to be injured; for improving the 
homes and conditions of living of the working classes, and 
for securing to their children opportunities of education and 
development; for according the right of combination to 
workers, and for facilitating the working of Trade Unions and 
the like societies. These Acts, and especially the earlier in 
date, were passed in the face of much Radical opposition 
resulting from a whole-hearted adherence to the doctrines 
of the Manchester school, which dreaded the interference 
of the State in industrial and economic spheres. 

PuTUBB Unionist Policy. 

No party, however, can hope to live on its past record. 
With the Unionists there was undoubtedly a slackening of 
effort during the later years of their last term of office. The 
energies of the party were, it is true, concentrated upon 
bringing the South African War to a successful termination, 
and upon dealing with the issues which arose out of the 
settlement. The movement which has been inaugurated by 
the Unionist Social Reform Committee should be welcomed, 
inasmuch as it indicates a definite return to social reform 
as the policy of the Unionist Party. 

Many of their schemes must of necessity be of the nature 
of useful and unsensational development on previously 
settled lines. For instance, in so far as factory and housing 
legislation is concerned, the main principles have already 
been laid down and accepted. 

The problems with which the Unionist Party vidll have to 
deal include some of which the most earnest advocates are 
Socialists, a fact which undoubtedly damps the reforming 

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ardour of moderate and practical men. Nevertheless, when 
the need for reform is admitted the solution need not 
necessarily take Socialist lines, nor is a solution necessarily 
Socialism because it is advocated by Socialists. 

The Inflxtenob of Socialism. 

While, however, it is the fact that the Socialist programme 
naturally fails to find much support in the country, a purely 
negative attitude on the part of non-Socialist parties may tend 
to encourage the adoption of Socialistic solutions in preference 
to leaving unreformed that at which the public conscience 
revolts. The Liberal Party are little disposed to allow a social 
question to remain unsolved from fear of being accused of 
association with Socialism, and the Unionist Party for its own 
sake cannot decline to take its fair share in the solution of 
social problems. By adopting a purely negative attitude l^e 
latter Party may indeed merely increase the influence of 
Socialists in the State. The function of the Unionists — as an 
anti-Socialist Party — is to influence public opinion in the 
favour of a practical non- Socialist, as opposed to a predatory, 
unpractical, and Socialistic, solution. The prospects of success 
in this respect are the more probable because the country 
will reluctantly accept a Socialistic scheme only in default 
of an alternative plan of a statesmanlike and practical 

Old Age Pensions. 

It is improbable that any Unionist looks back with feelings 
of satisfaction upon the record of the Unionist Party in respect 
of Old Age Pensions. There is, however, the future to be con- 
sidered. Already suggestions are being made for an increase 
in the amount, and a decrease of the qualifying age. Is the 
Unionist attitude towards these proposals to be purely nega- 
tive ? If an Unionist Government had introduced the Old Age 
Pension scheme it would probably have been drawn upon 
different lines to those which were actually adopted. The pre- 
sent law is admittedly imperfect ; Unionists have already by 
their &Sort» secured the removal of some of its most gUfiqg 

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anomalies, and they were able to introduce a modification of 
the provision of a fixed sum applicable in all cases, in favour 
of a sliding scale, whereby old people with small incomes 
above the original limit were not entirely excluded from the 
benefits of the Act, but were granted a diminished pension. 

Any large extension of the non-contributory scheme effected 
by lowering the age, or increasing the amount of the pension, 
would appear to be barred for some years at any rate by 
reason of its costliness. Such an extension, unless carefully 
safeguarded, would also stimulate that undesirable discourage- 
ment of thrift, which Unionists believe to be the greatest blot 
on the existing system. Unionist policy then would appear to 
lie in the direction of grafting a contributory, upon the present 
non-contributory, scheme, and supplementing the five-shilling 
pension at seventy by earlier pensions increased in proportion 
to the contributions of the recipient. The scheme would be 
worked so far as possible through existing societies which pay 
old age and superannuation benefits, and would have the 
advantage of at once encouraging thrift, and relieving the 
burdens of the deserving and superannuated poor. 

PooB Law Reform. 

Linked to some extent with Old Age Pensions is the wider 
question of Poor Law Reform. While the Pensions have 
kept many old people out of the workhouse by making it 
possible for those upon whom they are dependent more easily 
to support them, there are still cases where helplessness and 
sickness render treatment in the workhouse infirmary 
necessary, while poverty and the absence of responsible 
relatives deprive the sufferers of any other resource. While 
it is often best that such unfortunates should become inmates 
of the workhouse, there attaches to that solution the stigma 
of pauperism which often keeps them away. To the purely 
logical there is something incomprehensible in the attitude 
which freely accepts assistance from the State in money, 
but regards relief in board and lodging as a degradation. 
Nevertheless, the feeling exists, and should be respected, 
although by its existenoe the problrai under o<m»ideratioa 

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is largely oomplioated. It forms, however, only one 
aspect of Poor Law Reform, which includes other questions 
such as out-door relief, the able-bodied pauper, sickness, 
maternity, workhouse children, and the mentally defectiye, 
and raises many cognate problems, such as the causes of 
pauperism, distress arising from want of employment, boy- 
labour, and the administration of charities. Into the many 
controversies which arise from the examination of these 
questions there is no space in this chapter to enter. They 
are receiving adequate treatment in numerous volumes from 
writers who are experts in poor law administration. The 
present Coalition Government has shown little disposition to 
grapple with the question as a whole, and the length of the 
Report of the Poor Law Commission, able and conclusive as it 
is, rather discourages attempts to master the subject.* It is, 
however, very necessary that the Unionist Party should have 
a definite policy on the question. 

Thb Minobity Repobt. 

The Minority Report of the Socialist section of the Commis- 
sion has been popularised, and forms the subject of a Socialist 
campaign, of which the attractive warcry is ** Break up the 
Poor Law.'' This Report is a frankly Socialist text-book, and as 
such it is being used. While, like the Majority Report, it con- 
demns the present system of administration, it goes far beyond 
the reference to the Commission, and advocates State 
regulation and responsibility throughout the daily life of the 

The compulsory use of Labour Exchanges, restrictions on 
boy labour, shorter hours of work oti tramways and rail- 
ways, maintenance of working mothers. State relief works for, 
and maintenance and training of, the unemployed, grants in aid 
of Trade Union funds, and a Ministry of Labour, are among the 
proposals of the Minority Report for the reform of the poor 

Such measures aim, of course, at securing what must be the 

* Cd. 4499 of 1909, containing 1,288 folio pages. The Report is pub- 
lished in a more handy form in three octavo volumes. 

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object of all who desire to improve economic conditions, viz., 
the prevention of destitution, in comparison with which its 
relief is of secondary importance. Labour Exchanges may 
relieve the distress arising from unemployment by making it 
easier for the supply of, to get into touch with the demand for, 
labour. But they do not in the slightest degree increase the 
demand for labour by stimulating trade, and thus rendering 
employment less liable to disastrous fluctuations. 

Labour Conditions. 

Unionists believe from the experience of other countries 
that Tariff Reform will increase the need for labour by 
stimulaing the demand for manufactured goods. The Liberal 
Party have no policy calculated to increase the demand for 
labour, and can only suggest costly devices for lessening the 
distress arising from unemployment by the establishment of 
Labour Exchanges, and by establishing an incomplete and 
unacceptable scheme for dealing, subject to conditions likely to 
defeat the end in view, with unemployment in the two indus- 
tries of building and engineering. 

The Socialist Party, on the other hand, while not increasing 
the output, would increase the demand for labour by the 
limitation of hours, by restrictions imposed on all, and 
especially on boy labour, and by the establishment of a standard 
output for each man, which in their opinion would represent 
an average day's work, but would in practice be no more than 
the output of the slowest and least efficient workman in every 

An Eight Houbs Day. 

Hence arises the Socialist advocacy of an universal eight 
hours day — a principle which is already in operation in the 
mining industry, but which was in that case particularly 
advocated on considerations of health. The general applica- 
tion of the argument rests, however, upon the effect that a 
general all-round limitation of hours is supposed to have in 
absorbing the unemployed. But the advanced reformers' 
solution of the unemployed problem does not end with the 


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edtablishment of an eight hours day. He seeks to throw 
upon the State the duty in the last resort of finding work 
for every man, and of maintaining him and his dependents. 
That the purse of the State is the pocket of the industrious 
worker is a practical consideration to which he never con- 

Although State provision of labour is suggested as a last 
resort, those who advocate such measures would not allow the 
State to pay lower rates of wages than those ordinarily given 
by private employers. There would consequently be no reason 
why workers should seek private employment. The obligation 
which ex hypothesi rests on the State to provide work or give 
maintenance, and the absence of any inducement on the part 
of the workmen to seek employment elsewhere, would lead to 
constant and increasing resort to the State works on the part of 
men, who had been discharged from, or had abandoned, private 
employment. The Socialist ideal of universal State control 
would be brought about either directly through the discharge 
of its obligation to provide work, or indirectly through the com- 
pulsion the State would bring to bear on applicants to accept 
employment provided by the agency of Labour Exchanges. 
The principle of the right to work is too advanced at present 
for the Liberal Party, and measures introduced into the House 
of Commons for establishing it have failed to meet with any 
serious support. 

The Minimum Wage. 

However economically impossible, a minimum wage is never- 
theless an integral part of a vague and grandiose whole, which 
Socialists are seeking to-day to establish, a system in which 
individuals will not be permitted by the State to sink below a 
certain standard of living. Recent labour unrest and strikes are 
justified by many on the ground that the wages of the strikers 
were insufficient to maintain them and their families according 
to the minimum standard of comfort. What strikers hope to 
achieve by violent action, other sections of reformers would 
attain by legislation. Trade Unions have already fixed the 
rates of pay of certain industries, and as voluntary associations 

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it is within their power to achieve by arrangement that which 
the State cannot accomplish by force. 

Where the organisation of labour has failed owing to the 
exceptional helplessness of the workers— as in the case of 
sweated industries — ^the State has already intervened in the 
endeavour to secure for them a fair rate of pay. The Trade 
Boards Act of 1909 established committees, acting under the 
supervision of the Board of Trade, to regulate the rates of 
wages in certain home industries in which the remuneration is 
often notoriously insufficient. The universal application of the 
principle is advocated by Socialists, who would fix a general 
minimum wage for all industries. Some suggest 30s., others, 
more ambitious, £2 a week for adult labour. Local govern- 
ment bodies in some districts are subjected to extreme pressure 
to induce them to pay their employees in no case less than 
thirty shillings. If the policy of the minimum wage were 
introduced by legal enactment, the burden on the general tax- 
payer, and particularly on the working man, who is the chief 
constituent of the State, would be enormously increased and 
multiplied. It would, moreover, prove impossible to fix a 
minimum wage much in advance of the lowest at present 
being earned in any industry. An agricultural labourer's 
wages, which now average somewhere about 15s. a week, could 
not be doubled at a stroke without ruining every farmer in the 
country, and giving a final blow to our greatest industry. On 
the other hand, agriculturists could not be excluded, whilst the 
wages of town workers were brought up to the minimum, 
without creating feelings of deep resentment and increasing 
the already alarming exodus from the country to the towns. 
An attempt to fix a general minimum wage by law could only 
result in failure and in widespread industrial distress. 

Some Difficulties. 

Another difficulty would certainly present itself in the 
inability of the State to insist upon the employer providing 
for the same number of employees as before the introduction of 
the minimum wage. Any increase in wages which the enact- 
ment of the minimum rate might secure would for the most 

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part be inapplicable in the case of skilled workers, who are the 
more necessary to the employer, but would operate in the case 
of the unskilled labourers. An increase in their remuneration, on 
the other hand, would be balanced by a corresponding reduction 
in their number, and by the introduction of mechanical devices 
to obviate the need for unskilled labour. These men, deprived 
of work as the result of State action, would naturally demand 
that the State should find them employment, and the inevit- 
able result would be the establishment of some system of 
National Workshops, the folly of which has been proved 
beyond the possibility of doubt. 

To be effective the minimum wage must be international, or 
countries wherein it prevails must be protected from com- 
petition in their home markets on the part of products 
manufactured where the principle does not apply. Even this 
condition would only be a partial remedy since it would not 
secure equality of competition in foreign markets between the 
products of countries in which the old, and those of countries 
in which the new, systems obtained. 

It is also difficult to avoid the conclusion that the establish- 
ment of a minimum wage would confer little real benefit on the 
workers. If it resulted in no very considerable increase for a 
large number it would fail to satisfy them. If it did, although 
the money wage would have risen, the real wage as repre- 
sented by its purchasing power would have experienced little 
or no improvement, because the higher cost of production 
would have resulted in proportionately higher prices. 

Distress prom Want of Ebiployment. 

But the minimum wage is of no value to the man without 
work, and distress chiefly arises from want of employment. 
While such devices as the shortening of hours of labour, 
the better regulation of industry, and the limitation of output 
may provide work for more men, they occasion no increase 
in the amount of work to be done. The extent of unemploy- 
ment depends entirely on the economic condition of the 
country, and Tariff Reformers believe that their policy, by 
creating a greater demand for home-manuf8!,ctured goods, will 

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materially diminish this great evil. But it would seem that 
whatever may be the demand for labour and however carefully 
it may be organised to meet the calls upon it, there will always 
exist in the vicissitudes and changes of the industrial system 
a number of men who are temporarily out of work. To relieve 
the distress which results to them and their families on such 
occasions, the more highly organised Trade Unions have 
established a system of unemployed benefits. 

Not more than 1,600,000 Trade Unionists are entitled to 
unemployed benefit; and there are probably 8,000,000 adult 
males of working age in the United Kingdom. The provision 
is therefore very limited in its application, and, moreover, 
affects rather the skilled workman than the unskilled 

Unemployment Insubancb. 

The question is one which most Governments have failed 
to treat as its immense importance requires. Experiments 
have been conducted in certain quarters, but without much 
success.! The Coalition Government of Mr. Asquith has, 
however, dealt with unemployment in respect of the building, 
ship-building, and engineering trades, covering some 2,400,000 
workers at the outset. The industries concerned have been 
selected as those in which the fluctuations of employment 
are greatest; and the principle of compulsion is applied, 
contrary to the advice of both the Majority and Minority 
Reports of the Poor Law Commission. Imposture and 
malingering are the greatest difficulties the State has to face 
in the distribution of unemployment benefits. In respect of 
unemployment it will be a difficult task for the insurance 
officer to ascertain whether the unemployed applicant for 
benefit has made a serious effort to obtain suitable employment, 
has declined an offer of work without adequate reasons, or 
left his last job through misconduct or without sufficient cause. 
It is doubtful whether these and the other necessary inquiries 
can be thoroughly made and the results carefully considered 

* See Poor Law Commission, Majority Report, Svo edition, vol. i. 
par. 672. 

f Outlines of the schemes are given in the above Beport, par. 573. 

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in normal times, and the system is even more Ukely to br^ak 
down in periods of distress. 

Obstaolbs to Insubanob. 

Even to ensure that the unemployed workman is really 
unable to obtain work, it will be necessary to ordain compulsory 
resort to Labour Exchanges, to which all available vacancies 
must be reported, and at which all insured workmen must apply 
for situations. Otherwise *' industrial malingering " will prove 
impossible of detection. Even Trade Unions, which at 
least must, unlike State agencies, endeavour to be economical 
in the expenditure of their own funds, find it impossible to 
avoid considerable loss by improper drafts upon their unem- 
ployed benefit funds.* 

While this danger is proportionately lessened, so long 
as unemployment insurance is limited to a small number of 
industries, such limitation deprives the Government's scheme 
of the character of a settlement of a most difficult and debat- 
able problem. Workmen in trades outside the scheme will 
naturally press for inclusion, and it will no doubt in due 
course be extended to other industries. But directly it is 
applied to unskilled and casual labourers the question of 
imposture becomes even more urgent, and the difficulties of 
the insurance officer increase in proportion to the area of 
operation of the insurance system. 

An examination of this question induces the belief that the 
Coalition Government was ill-advised in rejecting the voluntary 

Better results, it is anticipated, would be attained by means 
of subsidies to voluntary associations. Trade Unions would 
thus be encouraged to establish or extend their system of 
unemployed benefits, while other voluntary associations could 
be formed to cover those workmen, who desired to insure 
without becoming members of Trade Unions, of the political 
activities of which they might entertain some suspicion. 

Direct participation in the administration of the benefits, the 
preservation of the voluntary principle, and the knowledge that 
* Poor Law Commission, Minority Eeport, 8vo ed., pp. 64-5. 

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the fund to be drawn from consisted in part of their own con- 
tributions, would be likely to make for economy on the part of 
managers and to promote the detection of imposture far better 
than a compulsory system under State direction. 

The compulsory system, — and this applies both to unemploy- 
ment and sick insurance, — conspicuously fails to encourage, 
rather does it actively discourage, individuality, independence, 
and thrift, and the contributions directly and compulsorily 
exacted are naturally regarded as a tax. 

Under a voluntary system, supplemented by subsidies from 
the State, there is a direct encouragement to the contributors 
to exercise thrift, to subordinate immediate gain to future 
advantage, to exercise foresight, and to take an interest in the 
economical administration of the funds. 

Sick and Invalidity Insurance. 

While the ground, however, is, so far as competition is con- 
cerned, comparatively clear for the establishment of a system 
of unemployment insurance, it is otherwise in respect of 
insurance against sickness and invalidity. In that field 
powerful Friendly and Benefit Societies have been successfully 
labouring for years, and it has till now always been the desire 
of statesmen to encourage their operations. The principle of 
compulsory national insurance against sickness has, however, 
long been familiar, and is actually in operation in Germany. 

The Friendly Societies. 

Mr. Lloyd George's initial mistake lay in endeavouring to 
transplant the German scheme without due and proper regard 
for existing agencies in this country. The Friendly Societies are 
vast organisations, managed by their members, entirely self- 
governed, and any system of national insurance had to supple- 
ment, rather than supplant, them. The National Insurance 
Act leaves the branches of the great Friendly Societies out- 
wardly intact, but in actual administration the effect of State 
intervention will immensely impair their powers of self- 
government, and will tend to make them mere agents of the 
State in the administration of its compulsory scheme. The 

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Friendly Societies as monuments of the principle of voluntary 
thrift will no longer exist, and the smaller societies, often in 
the rural districts, possessing a long and beneficent history, 
and a marked individuality of their own, must sink their in- 
dependence, or remain outside the scheme. 

So far as the member of the approved Friendly Society is 
concerned the case as presented to him resolves itself into the 
question whether he will receive under the Act greater or 
smaller benefits for the same premium than he now gets from 
his society. It will rarely be the case that he will or can 
continue to pay the society premium in addition to the com- 
pulsory payment under the Act, and even regarded from this 
purely individual standpoint it is doubtful whether the latter 
will confer increased benefits.'^* The contributor pays, of 
course, his share of the State contribution, and as a consumer 
his share of the employer's contribution, which is either 
deducted from wages or added to the cost of living. 

Defbots of the Llotd Geobge Scheme. 

Apart from many minor faults and from provisions which 
yet require considerable explanation in order to secure their 
justification, but may be amended or omitted as the result of 
experience, the cardinal defects of the Act would appear to 
be its failure to make proper provision for invalidity and its 
devotion in the main to relieving temporary sickness; the 
unnecessary inclusion of many classes otherwise provided for ; 
the competition which the scheme induces, under which the 
stronger will gain at the expense of the weaker, societies ; the 
treatment accorded to those who cannot gain admittance to 
any approved society, either through inability to satisfy the 
statutory conditions or to pass the medical examination ; and 
the absence of any proper provision for grading contributions 
according to the means of the contributor. 

* ** What it does promise for the contribution of 4d. a week, increased to 
9d. by the employers and the State, is an insurance following very closely 
upon the existing lines, and covering about half the benefits which 9d. 
a week will now procure in one of the best societies" {Times article, 
August 3, 1911). 

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Tbe mam principle of the Bill is the relief of temporary 
sickness ; bat it is just this for which sufferers can now most 
easily make adequate provision by means of voluntary in- 
surance. It is also the ground best covered at present by the 
Friendly Societies. The Act provides a system of relief for 
temporary sickness, but fails to relieve the distress which 
arises from widowhood and partial invalidity, and only inade- 
quately deals with permanent invalidity, especially such as 
arises from old age. It is just this ground which the volun- 
tary system has failed to cover, and it is consequently that 
which would seem to offer the most appropriate field for 
the operations of the State, if its intervention be once allowed 
to be desirable and necessary. 

Small Provision for Invalidity. 

In respect, moreover, of invalidity the measure only allows 
some 14*5 per cent, of its benefits to be devoted to this pur- 
pose, leaving the remainder (85*5 per cent.) to be used in relief 
of temporary sickness.* It is probable that the most attrac- 
tive benefit in the Act is that which gives a pension of five 
shillings a week in respect of permanent disablement before the 
age of seventy. The official memorandum indeed pointed out 
the extra advantages of this grant over the German system ; 
but inquiry disclosed the fact that a blander had been made, 
and that the estimates on which the Bill were based made 
provision only for total, while the German law relieved also 
partial, disablement.! Nevertheless, while Mr. Lloyd George 
entirely failed at the beginning to grasp the limitation of the 
disablement benefit, he lightly brushed aside an amendment I 
which would have assimilated his Bill in this behalf to the 
German Act on which it is based. 

Even in respect of permanent disablement the pension of 

* Times article, August 3, 1911. 

t See The Times, June 15, 1911, and Parliamentary Debates, July 3, 
1911, p. 798. 

{ To grant disablement benefit, when the insured person is unable to 
earn one-third of the usual wage. See Parliamentary Debates, July 17, 

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five shillings is wholly inadequate, espeoially as it is limited 
to total incapacity. This provision, moreover, applies only 
until the age of seventy, when it is assumed that poverty 
will enable the old and helpless worker to come under the 
operation of the Old Age Pension Act, and so to continue 
to receive the five shillings a week. 

Better results would have been secured if State assistance 
had been provided to a greater extent for the relief of 
permanent disablement, whether total or partial in character. 

Unnecbssaby Insubakcb. 

The Bill further fails in that it forces many classes to 
insure and receive the State grant which are already well 
provided for, or are in a position, and desire, to provide for 

Many manual labourers, especially skilled Trade Unionists, 
are in the receipt of wages which should make them 
independent of all State assistance in respect of the cost of 
sickness. Ample provision in this behalf is also usually made 
for employees of railway and other large companies. Custom 
applies the same conditions to domestic servants and estate 
workmen. Curates, bank clerks, and (other than elementary) 
schoolmasters may reasonably be regarded as not in need 
of State assistance, either by reason of custom under which 
their salaries are paid during sickness, or by their inclusion in 
the scheme being only in respect of the temporary character 
of their low salaries during their earlier years, or in many cases 
by the possession of more or less private income. 

SoMB Omissions. 

While such classes are, in the main unnecessarily, included 
in, those manual labourers who work on their own account — 
the jobbing gardener, the chimney-sweep, the cobbler, and the 
village joiner, to give only a few examples — are excluded from, 
the compulsory provisions of the Act. 

A measure which makes the average bank clerk compulsorily 
insure himself against sickness, and assists him by a State 

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subsidy, and eiu)ludes the jobbing gardener can hardly be 
defended by logical argument. A large number of the 
"employed" population, within the definition of the Act, do 
not, but many who are excluded should, come under the 
measure, if once its necessity be conceded. But many who 
can make adequate provision for temporary sickness, or are 
provided for, would welcome opportunities of insuring them- 
selves against partial disablement through sickness, infirmity, 
or old age, for which, however, the Bill makes no adequate 

Competitive Insubanoe. 

One of the many objectionable provisions is that which 
introduces the principle of competition by permitting societies 
to dispose of any surplus shown upon valuation in respect of 
contributions by, or in respect of, members, and by making 
the State contribution a subsidy to benefits actually paid. 
Since the surplus is to be devoted to paying additional 
benefits, societies that can secure the best lives are thus 
placed in a privileged position. They will be able to pick 
and choose among their applicants for membership. The 
best list of benefits will secure the best members for the 
society, and they can insist upon an exceedingly high medical 
standard. The competition will be such that the best lives 
only will be accepted, and the less desirable will be rejected. 
All the best will obtain entrance into the privileged societies, 
and the less desirable will drift into those which offer 
smaller advantages. The strong societies will become 
stronger; the weak societies, left with the less desirable 
lives, will grow still weaker. Their careers, if indeed they 
may avoid insolvency, will be checked and retarded, and 
they can never aspire to be more than agencies through 
which the State scheme is administered. The existence of 
these two sharply contrasted classes will not make for the 
stability of the national scheme ; and below them both are 
the despised Post Office contributors, rejected by all, and 
only permitted to enjoy benefits until their persona] credit 
is exhausted. 

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The Cost of Social Bbfobm. 

The Act has so far been considered solely in respect of its 
detailed provisions, and without any discussion as to the 
advisability of a compulsory scheme of National Insurance. 
When so costly a system is proposed, under which every 
individual in the State in one way or another has to pay, 
either directly as an insured person or employer, or indirectly 
as a consumer affected by high prices following increased cost 
of production, or as a taxpayer responsible for a portion of the 
State grant, careful consideration, examination, and criticism 
are necessary, and no scheme should be accepted because it 
has been in operation in Germany, where as a fact that which 
Mr. George has adopted proved a failure, if contemporary 
writings on the subject may be believed. 

Social reform after Mr. George's fashion is likely to prove a 
heavy burden on our industries and on our taxpayers, and it is 
not by the reduction of expenditure on defence, that the cost 
can be met at a time when European Powers are openly 
reverting to the doctrine that might is right and there is no 
other. Nor are Mr. George's estimates of the cost likely to 
be less inaccurate than they proved in the case of Old Age 
Pensions, and land taxes. 

Expenditure on national defence never was more obviously 
necessary than at the present moment, and it is indeed only 
insurance against losing our lives, liberties, goods and national 
existence, without the preservation of which social reform 
would be indefinitely postponed, while, in the event of defeat, 
all our available resources would be devoted towards paying 
the victors a war indemnity of hitherto unimagined magnitude. 
And if indeed a bold poUcy of social reform is to be adopted, 
with its inevitably heavy resulting burdens upon our indus- 
tries, should not the products of the home labourer and 
workman receive some measure of that protection, which is 
indiscriminately forced upon the producer himself ? That 
further burdens can be borne without some abatement of 
unchecked foreign competition will not be readily believed 
by any who are conversant with our contemporary economic 
and industrial conditions. 

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Abguments For and Against the Bight to Work Bill. 


1. Unemployment being a permanent feature of our industrial system 
it is right that the State should remedy the evil by directly providing 
employment or maintenance for the unemployed. 

2. Under present conditions there is always a surplusage of labour 
which is exposed to undeserved hardships. 

3. Provision for relieving the victims of this system can only be 
undertaken by the State. 

4. Since labour creates its wealth, the State should o(»ne to the relief 
of labourers in time of distress. 

5. The unemployed have, as a matter of fact, to be maintained at 
present by private charity, in the workhouse, or by outdoor relief. 

6. It would therefore be no great innovation to give them unemployed 
maintenance, or better still to provide them with useful work. 

7. Permanent unemployment is a great waste of national wealth and 
impairs the national character. 

8. Any cost to which the State would be put by passing the Bight to 
Work Bill would be amply repaid in improved economic conditions. 

9. While the *' right to work " principle runs counter to formerly 
accepted economic doctrine, such doctrine has long since been under- 
mined by such legislation as the Wages Boards and the Eight Hours 

10. The acceptance of the <* right to work" would be better than 
National Insurance, which provides payment for a man while he is out 
of work, since national funds are, under the former system, expended in 
providing work and so increasing national wealth. 

11. If labour cannot be employed because of the failure of the private 
employer to find work, that is no good reason for keeping labour un- 

12. The State, in such circumstances, must supplement the efforts of 
private employers and provide against their failure. 


1. The Bill does not give an unrestricted right to work, but only 
permission to work upon such terms in respect of wages and hours of 
labour as Socialists approve. 

2. If State labour was not made less attractive, and was not less well paid 
than private labour, the State, instead of giving work to the otherwise 
unemployed in times of distress, would have to provide work at all times 
for all comers. 

3. It would have to compete with private employers, and apart from 

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the injostioe done to saoh, the system would gradnallj and inevitably 
lead to the complete nationalisation of all indostries. 

4. Otherwise the State could not find sufficient useful labour for the 
many for whom it would be called upon to provide work. 

6. The State would have to find work for all slackers, or main^iti them 
and their families from the rates, and would thus directly enoourage 
labour conflicts. 

6. This would materially increase the rates, and by removing difficulties 
which now deter workers from striking would largely increase the number 
of strikes. 

7. Employment would, unless the State assumed control of industries, 
be entirely artificial and would not be directed, as now, to the satisfaction 
of any legitimate demand. 

8. The amount of normal and useful employment would, moreover, 
be largely decreased by reason of the distress that would arise from 
increased rates and taxes. 

9. The principle has been tried before in England by the Act of 1601, 
and in France in 1848 by the National Workshops. 

10. In both cases failure resulted, and it was shown that the qrstem 
is economically wasteful and inefficient and that the results cannot be 
compared with those of private labour. 

11. Experience of the system in England resulted in the provision of 
maintenance as being less troublesome than the provision of work, and 
in the creation of large numbers of disorderly dependents of the State, 
who practically lived on the labour of the industrious, independent 

Abquments Fob and Against an Eight Hours Day. 


1. Proposals for the limitation of the hours of labour have received the 
almost unanimous approval of the organised workers of the country. 

2. Manual workers, unUke those engaged in the higher branches of 
labour, have no variety of occupation, and little or no holiday. Hence it 
is very necessary that they should secure time for recreation by a limita- 
tion of hours. 

8. Prophecies of disasters to follow upon the adoption of an eight hours 
day have been falsified by the fact that many firms, in the face of keen 
competition, have adopted the system with complete success. 

4. Proper and reasonable regulations would be made in respect of 
seasonal trades. 

5. The State has, in respect of some 40,000 of its own workers, 
established an eight hours system, Private employers should follow 

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6. The limitation has produoed greater regularity of attendance, im- 
proved physical conditions, and consequently increased efficiency and 
power of production without extra cost. 

7. The experience which has resulted from the adoption of the system 
by the State, and by certain private employers, has been so successful 
that it affords the most substantial argument in favour of an eight hours 
day throughout all industries in the country. 

8. In the case of many factory workers it is recognised that, as in the 
case of miners, eight hours' labour under dangerous, strenuous, and 
unpleasant conditions is sufficient. 

9. New machinery has so increased the output of work that an hour 
of labour to-day means much more than it did twelve or fifteen years 

10. The reform could be applied in the case of many workers — tram- 
waymen, railwaymen, municipal employees, builders, and others — ^with- 
out in any way raising the question of facing foreign competition. 

11. In any case the claims of humanity must stand above those of 
commerce or trade, because in considering the hours of labour we are 
considering the lives of human beings. 


1. So drastic and comprehensive an interference with industrial con- 
ditions as an universal eight hours day is impracticable and undesirable. 

2. The hours of labour cannot be suddenly and largely restricted with- 
out regard to varying conditions of different trades and industries. The 
results of interference have proved disastrous. 

3. The principle could not in any case be applied to the workers in 
many important industries, such as agricultural labourers, sailors, and 
domestic servants, and others, where employment is not continuous, but 

4. There are no grounds for believing that a general reduction of the 
hours of labour would solve the problem of unemployment. 

5. Although reduction may lead to the employment of additional men 
in certain trades, the expenditure on extra wages in one, occasions a 
lessened demand for labour in another, industry. 

6. There would consequently be no increase in the total amount of 
employment, and this reform would prove impossible in practice since it 
would require innumerable and expensive inspectors to check the length 
of each man's daily work. 

7. So far from shorter hours lessening the risk to men employed in 
dangerous trades, the haste to produce as much in less time would 
necessarily result in a diminution of precautions taken, and an increase 
in risks run. 

8. By a policy of friendly arrangement between employers and work- 
men the hours of labour are now being reduced, with more lasting and 

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more satisfaotory reftulto than are likely to be achieved bj empincal and 
compuliory legislation. 

Abgumbnts fob and against a Minimum Wage. 


1. Since every family has the right to an income sufficient to enable 
it to maintain its members in decency and comfort, the State should 
establish a minimum wage for adult workers. 

2. Low wages result in low standards, bad living, an unhealthy people, 
and national d^eneration. 

3. The only method of prevention is by the enactment of a minitT^nm 
wage sufficient to secure decent comfort, and the necessities of life. 

4. The need is becoming more urgent, since the price of food and the 
cost of living are rising out of all proportion to increases in wages. 

5. In many industries such as railways and mining, where no foreign 
competition enters, conditions would easily allow an increase up to a 
statutory minimum of reasonable amount. 

6. Any general increase of wages would be amply repaid by the in- 
creased efficiency of the worker. 

7. The statutory wage could be adjusted to meet the varying ooet 
of living in different towns, as has been done already in the case ol 
the Post Office servants. 

8. The principle has already been established in the case of sweated 
industries, and could easily be extended in the first place to those 
industries in which wages are notoriously low. 

9. If the wages of men and women were equalised the work women, 
now perform at ches^r rates would naturally go to the men. 

10. Women would thus to their advantage be removed from many 
spheres of unsuitable employment wherein they are now, to their own 
hurt, sweated and underpaid. 


1. No advocate of the minimum wage has yet indicated the basis upon 
which that wage should be calculated. No one sum can represent the 
minimum level of decent subsistence for the whole country. 

2. If a general minimum wage of the same amount is contemplated, 
such would represent a very unequal reward for labour in different cases, 
owing to the varying cost of living and of other conditions in different 
districts and industries. 

3. When the wages of the lowest paid are raised to the minimum rate, 
other workers will demand increases of the like character, to keep the 
reward of skilled, higher than that of unskilled, labour. 

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4. Many industries could not stand an inciease of wages of adult labour 
to thirty shillings a week, the sum generally indicated by Sodalists at 
a suitable minimum. 

5. If the minimum wage'is to be decided by the cost of liying, it should 
be increased when the cost of living rises and decreased when that cost 

6. Arbitration courts would be necessary to settle these questions. 
They would be costly, and their decisions could hardly be enforced without 
resort to violence. 

7. The same minimum rate could not be applied to the single woman, 
and to the married man with a family. 

8. So with boys' labour; but if a different rate were conceded a 
tendency would arise to replace adult male labour by female and boy 

9. If the slow, is to be paid the same minimum wage as the fast, 
worker, the former will lose his employment. 

10. An increase in wages involves an increased cost of production, and 
consequently higher prices, and thus no real gain to the wage-naming 
classes will result. 

11. The increased cost of production will give our rivals increased 
advantages over those they already enjoy in international competition, 
and in our home markets. 

12. The evil of low wages should be diminished, not by the legal enact- 
ment of a minimum, but by removing such causes at irregular labour 
and the competition of boys and women, 

18. As between the two parties — employers and workmen—- the best 
settlement is that made between them without the interference of the 
State, which never succeeds in its efforts to regulate industrial conditions. 

14. The adoption of the minimum wage would deprive women of the 
employment they now get because they will take lower wages than men. 

Abgumbnts Fob and Against Stbikbs. 


1. No legislative or other limitation should be imposed upon the right 
of a workman to strike, for he has no other weapon. 

2. The damage done by strikes is habitually exaggerated by the public, 
by masters and by the Press, but the resulting damage to others is no 
reason why labour should not exercise its rights. 

8. It is generally assumed that the men are in the wrong, which 
aggravates the gravity of labour disputes. It should not be assumed that 
the men have no right to interrupt trade.* 

* Mr. Lloyd Qeorge, House of Gommons, August 16. 1911. 

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4. The poferty oooMioned by strikes is moie than made up by result- 
bot^ sabse^uent prosperity. 

5. The Oonoiliation Boards did not work satisfaotorilj, and some 
madiinery must be created to enable men, who claim higher wages and 
tdiorter hours, to get an impartial judgment. 

6. The Gonciliation Boards were not accepted by, but forced on, the 
Trades Unions. Their awards had been ambiguous, and the Bailway 
Companies had insisted on their own interpretation.* 

7. The police had no right to baton citisens in the streets up<m any 
profocation. Strikes are perfectly legal proceedings.* 

8. The police molest "pickets** and protect "blacklegs," and tiius 
side against labour in its legitimate effort to improve its position. The 
authorities are responsible, and approve. 

9. The men are thus convinced they can get no justice without 
resort to force, and that tiieir case attracts no attention, unless they 

10. Bents and cost of living have increased, but wages have increased 
in no like ratio, or have decreased or remained stationary. But no 
remedy ofEers save and except a strike. 

11. Ko body of men would strike unless they were honestly convinced 
that they had grievances, because of the sufferings entailed. The working 
classes want to improve the conditions of labour, and have increased 
their wages by a succession of struggles conducted with great suffodngs 
to themselves, of which strikes were the chief features.! 

12. Trade Unionists have a natural grievance against non-unionists, 
who take advantage of improvements resulting from struggles they try 

18. Stubborn and obstinate employers are generally responsible for 
prolongation of labour struggles.! 

14. The employers should, but do not, meet their men or their official 

15. It is the duty of the Qovemment not only to protect railways, but 
also workmen.! 

16. Bailway Gompanies have recently made higher profits than ever, 
and can afford to pay, but will not, unless the men strike, pay, hi^^er 

17. "Strikes can only be cured by granting a juster reward for 
labour," i.e., by conceding higher pay when demanded by means of 
a strike.} 

18. As responsible Ministers hold these opinions, there can be no doubt 
that workers are justified in acting upon them. 

* Mr. Bamsay MacDonald, House olOommons, August 16, 1911. 
t Mr. Lloyd (George, House of Oommons, August 16, 1911. 
i Mr. Chiozsa Money, House of Commons, August 17, 1911. 

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1. A strike injures others besides those who strike, and their own 
families and dependents. 

2. There should be legislative provision for compulsory investigation 
of disputes, and strikes should be made illegal before investigation has 
been held by an authority ad hoc. Such legislation exists in Canada 
in the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, 1907, while compulsory 
arbitration is in force in Australia and New Zealand. It is, however, 
impossible to enforce awards in Great Britain, where no tariff exists 
which can be worked so as to enable an industry to meet an award of 
higher wages.* 

3. The Trades Unions are now practically political, and are not entitled 
to the sympathy they claim as industrial, organisations. 

4. They oppress men who will not join, and prevent them from exercis- 
ing their own right to work, when they can get work. 

5. It is cruel and unjust that the whole commerce and comfort of the 
country should be at the mercy of a trade dispute. 

6. The Conciliation Boards set up in 1907 failed only because the 
men renounced the agreements made under the arbitration of the Board 
of Trade. 

7. The Government as guarantors are bound to enforce such agree- 

8. Poverty is largely increased by strikes. 

9. The vFeakness of the Government and their unwillingness to preserve 
order, lest thereby they offend Trades Unions, Labour Members, and 
voters, is a &otor leading directly to the occurrence and prolongation of 
strikes. Government departments actually worked on permits from 
Strike Committees in 1911, and strikers openly and unchecked stopped 
transport work in the streets of London. 

10. The profuse promises made, and the class hatred preached by, 
certain Ministers are most powerful incentives to strikes, which are not 
now primarily of an industrial character. 

11. Strikes make the men's cause unpopular with the public, and 
prejudice their just claims. 

12. The average return on railway stock is under 4 per cent., and 
such stock is for the most part held in small parcels, the dividends on 
which will not stand further reduction. 

13. The Bailway Companies did not ask for Conciliation Boards, but 
having, with one exception, accepted them in 1907 for six years, wer& 
justified in holding that they should remain in force on the agreed 
footing for that period. 

14. The object of the organisers of the 1911 railway strike was to snbsti- 

* Mr. Bonar Law at Leeds, November 16, 1911. 

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tute Trades Unions lor Gondlifttion Boi^rds. It is for the right of being 
represented bj their Unions, which represent less than a fourth of the 
men, that this strike was organised. The representation of the men cm 
Conciliation Boards had been found not to conduce to the growth of 
the power of the Unions. Hence the agitation in the interest not of the 
men, but of the agitators, to compel three-quarters to join societies 
representing only one-quarter of the men. 

15. No actual grievances of any weight were even alleged in August, 
1911, only a vague charge of ** failure to observe the spirit and letter of 
the Conciliation Board Agreement of 1911, and the utter impossibility of 
men's representatives to obtain redress of many grievances." 

16. The Conciliation Boards contained freely elected representatives of 
the men. The Companies never objected to receive representatives 
of their own men, but only representatives of Unions, which did not 
represent their men. 

17. The results of a strike are more disastrous to the men than to the 
public. Half the holders of railway stock in England own £500 and less, 
and receive as dividend less than the sum which disqualifies for receipt 
of an Old Age Pension. In Scotland on some lines the figure is £200. 
Strikes are far more disastrous to the poor than the rich, and the 
distress reaches all classes, and chiefly those of small means. 


It is impossible here to give a complete bibliography of publications on 
social questions. Much valuable material is contained in the Parliamentary 
Debates and the various Parliamentary Papers, the indexes to which 
should always be consulted. The Fabian Society {S, Clement's Inn, 
Strand, W.C.) have issued a useful bibliography, "What to Bead on 
Social and Economic Subjects." Ths Bibliography of Social Science 
is issued monthly by the International Institute of Social Bibliography 
(P. S. King & Son, Great Smith Street, Westminster, S.W.). 

In respect of many social problems — ^the right to work, minlmnm wage, 
an eight hours' day, and so on — ^for which an extreme Socialist solution 
is put forward, the publications of the various Socialist organisations 
should be consulted. Their names and addresses are given in the biblio- 
graphical note to Chapter XIIT. 

On the questions which have been more particularly treated in this 
chapter further reference should be made to the following publications. 

Poor Law. — ^Both the Majority and Minority Reports of the Poor Law 
Commission have been issued officially in a handy octavo form (**The 
Majority Report," 2 vols., price 28. 3d. ; ** The Minority Report," price 
Is. 9d.). An edition of the Minority Report, with introductions by S. and 
B. Webb, is published by Messrs. Longmans (vol i., ** The Break-up of the 
Poor Law ; " vol. ii., ** The Public Organisation of the Labour Market") 

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The Majority Beport is treated by Mrs. Bosanquet in <* The Poor Law 
Beport of 1909." 

The Gommission have issued special reports on Scotland (price 2s. 8d.) 
and Ireland (price 9d.), and have also issued over twenty volumes of evidence, 
appendices, memoranda, and supplementary reports bearing upon various 
phases of the question. The Beport of the Poor Law Gommission of 1834 
has been reprinted as a Parliamentary Paper. 

It should be remembered that the reports cover more ground than is 
usually associated with the term <* Poor Law," and actually deal with 
such questions as distress due to unemployment, woman and boy labour, 
labour exchanges, unemployment insurance, and many other phases of 
the unemployment problem. 

The same problem is dealt with by W. H. Beveridge in ** Unemploy- 
ment : a Problem of Industry " and '* Unemployment and Trade Unions," 
by Oyril Jackson. A bibliography of the question is published by Messrs. 
P. S. King A Son for the London School of Economics. 

Unemployment insurance is dealt with by D. F. Schloss in *< Insurance 
against Unemployment " and J. G. Gibbon in ** Unemployment Insur- 

The National Insurance Act has produced a number of publications 
from the Publication Departments of the political parties, and Messrs. 
Hodder and Stoughton publish " The People's Insurance : Explained by 
the Bt. Hon. D. Lloyd George, M.P./' and Messrs. Charles Knight & Go. 
publish "Everybody's Guide to the National Insurance Act, 1911," by 
Thomas Smith. The report of the Boyal Commission on the Bailway 
Strike (Cd. 5922) and a valuable volume, in the light of the recent strikes, 
Sir Arthur Clay's <* Syndicalism and Labour," should be consulted. 

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THAT it is desirable to get the people back to the land, and 
that the promotion of small holdings is Uie best method of 
attaining this end, are not matters in dispute. The tragedy <d 
oar greatest and oldest industry, agricnltore, lies in the terrible 
loss which has ocoorred in the population of the rural counties. 
While the general population of England and Wales has more 
than doubled since 1841, the agricultural portion has shrunk 
from 2,300,000 * to 988,000.t Seventy years ago agriculture 
gave employment to one inhabitant in eight ; to-day in England 
and Wales only one in thirty-two finds work on the land. 

This fact alone is disquieting ; but the migration from the 
country districts is recognised as an even greater national loss, 
when it is remembered that it represents a decline in the 
physique of the country, physical deterioration being the hall- 
mark of urban life. 

Bubal Depopulation. 

Opinions differ as to the causes of the rural depopulation. 
It is attributed to the superior attractions of town life; to 
the defects of the land system; to the decline in prices; and 
to our present fiscal policy. Whether it arises from one or 
another of, or from a combination of, these causes is doubtful, 
but in any case the practical reformer finds a consensus of 
opinion directing his energies towards the creation of small 
holdings as the most likely solution of the problem. And 
naturally his first inquiry relates to a market for the produce 
of the small holding. 

* MoOuUooh's estimate, 
t Oensus Bietoms lor 1901. 

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OuB FoBEiGN Food Supply. 

Without oustomers there is no possibility of suooess, and 
markets exist at the small-holder's very doors to snpply whioh 
organisation alone is required. England's growing population 
requires feeding, and is fed to-day, but chiefly from foreign 
souroes. Chinese pork, Danish butter, American hams, Russian 
fowls, and so forth are among the commonest of imports 
which might be produced from small holdings. The increase 
in imported foodstuffs is something like six times greater than 
the increase in our population since 1885. Not only are we 
not feeding the increase in our population, but we are actually 
becoming more dependent on imported foodstuffs for our 
population as a whole. The average annual value of imported 
bacon, hams, eggs, poultry, vegetables, butter and cheese in 
1885-9 was fi27,325,000; in 1904-8 £59,385,000. We are in 
fact more industrialised than any other European nation with 
which comparison is possible, our agricultural production 
per head being but £4 14s.,'*' while the percentage of persons 
employed in agriculture in the United Kingdom, no more 
than 5-58.t 

The demands of our growing population afford a market for 
the small-holder's produce, only requiring organisation for its 
capture. The agriculturist, whether he be of the type for 
which urban life has attractions compared with present 
rural conditions, or whether, though wedded to agriculture, he 
sees better opportunities in the Dominions or the United 
States, must be kept on the home land in the interests of 
national welfare. He must have a career opened out for him 
by the establishment of small holdings. 

Tenancy t?. Ownership. 

The advocates of small holdings differ, however, on the 
question of tenuicy or ownership. Which offers the greats 

* In France it is £18; Oennany, £7 lOs.-; Belgium, £11 ; Denmark, £16. 
See Tumor's *< Land Problems and National Welfare," p. 66. 

t In France, 21-24; Germany, 16*98 ; Belgium, 1009; United States, 
13*68 (Abstract of Foreign Laboor Statistics, Cd. 6415 of 1911, p. xxiU). 

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attraction ? Bo far as those who favour tenanoy are concerned, 
their decision is not given entirely on the merits of the ques- 
tion. While they do maintain that the small-holder prefers 
tenancy, they would not encourage or facilitate ownership 
even if their opinion tended in that direction,"*" for the reason 
that their ultimate end is land nationalisation, t This division 
of opinion follows in the main the division of the two parties. 
Liberals advocate tenancy ; Unionists, ownership. The Liberal 
Government accordingly in their Small Holdings Act of 1908 
limited the measure to the establishment of occupying cultivat- 
ing tenants under a public authority — the County Councils. 
Although they did not interfere with the purchase clause of the 
Act of 1892, which was practically a dead letter, they declined 
to extend the system of purchase and opposed all attempts 
to remove the obstacle to the operation of the clause, the 
necessity under which the would-be purchaser lies of finding 
20 per cent of the purchase money, t It is unnecessary to say 
that in their determination to prevent any increase in the 
number of owners of land the Liberal Government had the 
full support of the Socialist Party, which condemns the 
multiplication of small owners as increasing the number 
of persons enjoying economic rents, and therefore aug- 
menting '* the difficulties of the State in securing that rent, 
if the class interested in exploitation by rent becomes 
larger." § 

* ** If I thought that under the Act of 1892 there was likely to be a 
large amount of pnrchaee by tenants in the future I should be inclined to 
limit rather than to extend the facilitiei for that purpose" (Mr. L. 
Hareourt, M.P., House of Oommons, June 12, 1907, Parliamentary Debates, 

t ** The most hopeful form of oooupancy for a smaU-holder is not that 
c^ a proprietor, but that of an occupying tenant " (Mr. Asquith, Earlston, 
October 8, 1908). *< They could not settle this question by any systun 
of creating smaU proprietors. ... It was upon some Socialistic lines 
that this question would have to be settled" (Lord Orewe, Dcmcaster, 
Maioh 1, 1907). 

t See letter to The Times (March 28, 1908) from Mr. Jesse OoUings, 

I J. Ramsay MaoDonald, M.P., «« The SooiaUst Moyement," p. 180. 

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Thb Adyantagbs of Tenancy. 

The supporters of tenancy assert that there is no desire for 
ownership on the part of small-holders, who prefer to be 
tenants. As a fact in England small ownership has never been 
given a fair trial. It was offered in the Small Holdings Act, 
1892, but the terms which required a deposit of 20 per ceni of 
the purchase price were prohibitive, except to men with a fair 
amount of capital. The assertion, however, that there is no 
desire for ownership ignores the lessons of the Irish Land 
Purchase Movement, and implies the acceptance of the 
position that English small-holders entertain entirely different 
opinions from those of the agriculturists of the Continent, 
where the proportion of land cultivated by owners ranges from 
over 30 to nearly 90 per cent.'*' 

"Thb Magic op Pbopebty." 

The principal argument, however, against State ownership is 
that it is an artificial system and therefore bound to produce 
less than the best obtainable results. Human nature covets 
possession whether of land or any other thing. ''There 
can be no doubt," Lord Onslow's Committee on Small 
Holdings reported, " that in some parts of the country the ^ magic 
of property ' is entirely appreciated. It was pointed out that 
a man who can give a year's notice to his landlord is much 
more likely to be attracted to the towns than one whose all is 
invested in the piece of land which he cultivates."! 

The movement towards ownership is particularly marked in 

* The proportion of land caltiv»ted bj owners is 12 per cent, in Great j 
Britain, 85 per cent, in Belgium, 47*50 per cent, in France, 86 per cent, in 
Germany, and 88 per cent, in Dounark. 

t Gd. 8277, par. 128. The foUowing passage in the Report is worth 
quoting, via. : ** The Oommittee think it hardly necessary to demonstrate 
that in the general interest of the commnnity, it is desirable that as large 
a number as possible of persons should have a direct interest in the land 
of the country, and that in the interests of agriculture and the pcoduotiva- 
ness of the soU, it is expedient that the numbers of those who not only 
occupy, but also have a permanent stake in, the land should be materially 
Increased ** (par. 119). 

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New Zealand, where nationalisation has failed to give satis- 
faction, and proposals are now under consideration for the 
establishment of the freehold system. 

Thb Objbotionb to Tbnanct. 

Tenancy under the State or under a public authority is 
indeed a less advantageous system than private tenancy, for 
the reason that the former owners have no power to show the 
generosity of the private landowner. If a public authority 
erects buildings or carries out repairs it must in justice to the 
general taxpayer lay the full charge on the tenant. If there 
are bad seasons it can allow no abatement, and must exact 
every penny of rent. The costs of collection and management 
are, moreover, higher in its case, than in that of the private 
owner. Properties under public management have to be made 
to pay, and the rent charged to the small-holder has to bear, 
besides all ordinary charges, a sinking fund charge, to enable 
the County Council, or other authority, to repay the loan for 
the purchase of the land within the prescribed period. This 
burden is particularly unjust to the small^holder, who in effect 
purchases the land for the County Council, and in the end is 
in no better position himself than when he entered into the 
transaction. It is indeed recognised that the small-holders 
<< will have, as a rule, to pay more rent per acre than is 
commonly charged for large farms.'"*' Perhaps the severest 
indirect condemnation of public ownership is supplied by the 
Small Holdings Commissioners, who report ; " There have been 
several cases of particularly good purchases where the Council 
could have afforded to let the land in small holdings at rents 

* See Beport of Small Holdings Oommissioners, Od. 6180 of 1910. The 
following examples are taken from the above Beport : Broomhill Farm, 
Notts. : leased by Gounty Oonndl for aCs. an acre, sub-let at 86s. an aore i 
West Stobswood Farm, Northumberland : leased by Goonoil at £116 a year, 
sublet at £281. The Gonnoil has expended £1,857, which at 4 per cent 
wonld mean £75 legitimate addition to the £116 : Sealyham Estate, Pem* 
brokeshire : rents of sitting tenants immediately raised from 5 to 10 per 
oent. The Oonndl gets 4 per cent, on its outlay ; Digby, I^ncs. : the 
OooneU gets 5 per oent ; Nocdan Farm, H«wfoxdshire : the Couneilgeti §i 
per cent, on its ontlay. 

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considerably less than the former oooapiers were paying. The 
Board (of Agricnlkire) have taken the view, howerer, that in 
such cases the rents oharged should be based on the fair rental 
value, and that the land should not be underlet."'*' Under State 
landlordism the public authority, and not the individual 
tenants, get the advantage of good bargains uid low prices. 
Not what has been paid for the land, but what can be got out 
of the tenuit, is the principle upon which State-landlordism is 

Thb Bubdbns of Ownbbship. 

As against this the tenant is freed from certain worries 
which afflict owners, and might tend to impair the success of 
the system. His capital is within his own power, and, instead 
of being sunk in purchase, can be devoted to the development 
of the farm. This argument, of course, does not apply, if it 
is proposed to advance the whole of the value of the land, 
and to allow the purchasing tenant to pay off by instalments, 
the objection to this course being the long period necessary 
to give the purchaser " real " ownership. Even in this case, 
however, considerable sums would have to be expended by 
the purchaser on the equipment of the holding with buildu^gs, 
fences and so on, charges from which a tenant would be 

It is urged, too, that bad seasons or domestic troubles can 
be better faced by a tenant than by an owner. The former 
may get abatements or permission to postpone pajrment of 
rent until better times, and in the last resort he can throw 
up his holding without loss of much capital, though if this 
course were generally followed tiie public authority would 
find that its expenditure on small holdings had resulted in 
considerable loss of the ratepayers' money. But the small 
owner, it is argued, having to rely on his own resources for 
meeting hard times, would lose all his capital if he abandoned 
his holding, and rather Uian do this would have recourse to 
money-lenders and would mortgage his farm. 

* Beport of Small Holdings OommissionerB, Od. 6616 of 1911, pp. 
13 18. 

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Where the mortgage wm forecdosed it would be impossible 
to ensure that the holding was retained as a small holding, 
and not attaehed to a larger farm, in this way defeating the 
object of the movement. Unless restrictions were placed 
on the power of disposition by the owner, he might be 
tempted to sell his land for purposes other than that of a 
small holding, and at his death it might be subdivided into 
uneconomic patches, as so often happened in Ireland,* and 
now occurs in Holland and parts of IVance. In any case pro- 
vision would have to be made against subdivision, sale for 
purposes other than small holdings, and mortgaging. How 
far these restrictions would impair the '< magic of property" 
cannot well be determined. 

While, therefore, it cannot be argued that ownership is free 
from drawbacks or is necessarily going to solve the land 
problem, there are good reasons for holding that it is prefer- 
able to State tenancy, and that, subject to suitable and proper 
restrictions, and in selected cases, facilities for acquiring 
ownership should be provided for agriculturists. 

Assistance fob Pubohasbbs. 

While Unionists unanimously advocate ownership, they 
differ as to the method by which the small-holder should be 
assisted to purchase his holding. Two plans are advocated. 
Under one scheme the State, as in Ireland, would advance 
the whole of the purchase money, the purchaser repajring by 
instalments of interest and sinking fund. Under the other 
advances would be made by a National Land Bank, which, 

* " The farm of one temuit often congists not of one or two or even three 
separate portions of land, bat of many detached plots within fenced fields, 
scattered amongst similar fragments of other holdings. A field of one 
acre may belong to a dosen persons, each of whom has a plot of his own 
whUe the land is under onltiTation " (Royal Oommission on Oongestion 
in Ireland, Gd. 4097, par. 10). See also B. A. Pratt's *< Transition in Agri- 
culture," Appendix, reproducing a plan of the commune of Yledder 
(Dreuthe), Holland, showing subdivision carried to such lengths that 
the average dimensions of one group are no more than 880 yards by 
14 ; and of another 1,275 yards by 14, while one cultivator has twenty* 
three of these hoUUngs in the same idllage. 

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accepting the investments of the private shareholder, would 
also have behind it a Government guarantee. 

Sboubitt fob Advanobs. 

So far as both these proposals are conoerned the question 
arises as to the security possessed by the State for the money 
it has advanced. For the purchase of houses on the instal- 
ment system the advances made by building societies do 
not, unless under exceptional circumstances, cover more than 
three-quarters of the value, a condition which amply protects 
such societies against possible loss. The analogy with Irish 
land purchase is not complete, since there the State advance is 
limited to the purchase of the landlord's interest only, and 
under the peculiar conditions of Lrish land law the tenant's 
interest is suflBciently valuable to afford the State ample 
security for its money. 

In Ireland, at any rate, it is almost unprecedented for the 
State to have to resume holdings through the failure of the 
purchasers to keep up the payment of the instalments of 
their annuities ; uid there is little reason to presume that 
the English purchaser, especially as he would be more care- 
fully selected, would be less prompt in paying his instalments. 

Thb Objection to Statb Gbbdit. 

The difficulty of those who advocate State advances is 
similar to that which has availed so much to retard Irish 
land purchase. To buy out the existing landowners payment 
in cash is necessary. The State would have to raise the 
money by the issue of stock. So long as that stock stood 
at a premium, or even at par, the plan would work well. But 
with Government stocks at present much below par, it is 
difficult to imagine that the market price of Land Stock 
would not sink below its face value. Under these circum- 
stances, to raise £100 cash means the issue of more than 
£100 stock. To charge the excess stock, and the interest upon 
it, against the State is tmthinkable, while to make the tenant 
responsible places upon him an unfair burden and causes him 
to pay more for his land than its market price in cash. 

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National Land Banks. 

A more promising method of financing land purchase would 
seem to be the establishment of a National Land Bank, 
borrowing money privately bat possessed of a Gtovemment 
guarantee. Such banks exist on the Continent, and provide 
money for land purchase at reasonable rates of interest.'*' 
Some advance the whole, others a part only, of the purchase 
money. In the latter case the purchaser finds the remainder, 
which more generally represents but a small part of the pur- 
chase price. Lest, however, the provision of this portion 
should prove an obstacle to the establishment of small owner- 
ship, various proposals have been made for obviating the 
necessity for making such a demand. The balance, it is 
suggested, might be advanced by the County Councils in the 
shape of a second mortgage, or the amount might be left on 
mortgage with the vendor. Another proposed method of 
assistance is the suspension of the operation of the sinking 
fund for a number of years.t 

A comparatively modest proposal, and one which, moreover, 
possesses the advantage of being capable of being grafted on 
the existing small holding system, has been suggested by 
Lord Gamperdown.| Under the Small Holdings Act the 
County Councils charge their tenants an annual sum which 
in eighty years will recoup the Councils for their expenditure 
in purchasing land. Lord Camperdown proposed that a 
separate account of this item of rent should be kept, and that 
the tenant, on giving six months' notice, should have the 
right of purchasing his holding on payment of the difference 
between the recoupment payments credited to him and the 
amount necessary to completely recoup the Council for the 
purchase of the land. It is not matter for surprise, however, 

* See letter of Sir Gilbert Faricer, M.P., Timea, May 11, 1911. 

t The rival sohemes are set oat Im legidative foim in the SmaU Owner- 
ihip and National I^nd Bank BiU (Honae of Lc^ds), No. 86 of 1911, and 
the Purchase of Land Bill (House of Lords), No. 88 (d 1911. See Hoose 
of Lords Debates, May 2 and 8, 1911. 

I See House of Lords Debates, May 9, 1911. Small Holdings (VeMttti 
Acquisition) BiU, Hoose of Lofds BiU, No. 149 d 1911. 

Digitized by 



that a Gk>yemment in Bjrmpathy with land nationalisation 
should have opposed this unambitious plan for encouraging 
small ownership. 

By itself a small holdings system cannot hope to stand, 
whether the principle of tenancy or ownership be adopted. 
Assistance is required in the direction of credit and co- 
operation. Something, although little, has already been done 
in England, and much more has been effected in Ireland. 
On the Continent credit banks have reached a remarkable 
degree of development,'*' and the supporters here of the 
National Land Bank system very properly urge in stvp- 
port of their proposals that its secondary function would 
be the encouragement of co-operative credit for small- 

Capital is essential to the small holder, and his need of 
it often compels him to borrow at usurious rates, or to run 
into debt with dealers, who frequently get possession of the 
farm by purchasing its produce. The latest advocates of 
small-holdings endeavour to avoid these dangers by advuic- 
ing loans for short periods at cheap rates, in order to 
establish a system of co-operative credit. 

Li Germany action has proceeded chiefly upon the lines 
of the Raiffeisen Banks, the object of which is to afford the 
small man financial credit for development purposes.! In 
Ireland Sir Horace Plunkett has established numerous banks 
on this principle, to the anger of the "gombeen" man, but 
to the advantage of the small-holder. | In England but little 

• See H. W. Wolff, " People's Banks." 

t The Schulze-Delitzsch Banks foUow another system of oo-opezative 
credit, but their dominant feature is the encouragement of thrift. An 
exhaustiye account of these banks and of similar institutions in other 
countries has been written by H. W. Wolff in <* Peon's Banks." 

I On December 31, 1909, there were 234 credit societies under the control 
of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society, with a membership of 
18,422, a loan capital of £56,469, and an annual turnover of £57,641 
(Annual report of LA.O.S. for tibe year ending June 30, 1910, Appendix Q, 
Statistical Abstract X). For an ezcellMit summary of tiie objects and con- 
ftituti<m of these banks in Ireland see Hemoiaadum by the Secretaiy of 
the I.A.O.S. on pp. 76-^2 of tha above Report. 

Digitized by 



has been done."*" There is, howeyer, before Parliament a Bill 
promoted by Lord Shaftesbury, which was read a second time 
in the House of Lords on July 27, 1911,t and another, a 
Gbvemment measure, empowering the Board of Agriculture 
to promote, extend, and assist agricultural credit and insurance 
societies, was read a second time on August 1, 1911. | The 
former measure applies generally to the United Kingdom but 
the Government Bill applies only to England. The latter 
gives the State power to assist and promote credit banks, 
whereas Lord Shaftesbury's Bill provides for banks acting 
upon their own responsibility, and reljring upon their own 

Co-operative credit forms, however, but a part of the small- 
holdings policy, for the principle of co-operation is extended 
to the actual buying and selling of the various needs of 
agriculture and of the agriculturist, and to the marketing of the 
produce of the small-holders. This system is in operation in 
(Germany, France, and Denmark,! and in Ireland it has 
attained remarkable proportions through the activities of the 
Irish Agricultural Organisation Society. || In England and 
Scotland the movement is making headway, and in England 
is officially encouraged, the Agricultural Organisation Society 
being in receipt of a subsidy from the State. It is late in the 
day to urge the advantages of co-operation ; but it would be 
untrue to assert that agriculturists of the smaller class as yet 
universally appreciate its benefits. So far as production is 
concerned, purchase of seeds, manures, feeding-stuffs, and 
implements in small quantities means higher prices, higher 
rates for transport, and often articles of inferior quality. Co- 
operative purchase removes or alleviates these unfavourable 

• In June, 1910, there weie bnt 82 agiioultonJ credit societies, with 
466 members, and deposits amounting to £1,177 (House of Oommoni 
Paper, No. 166 of 1910). 

t House of Lords BUI, No. 86 of 1911. 

t House of Lords BUI, No. 140 of 1911. 

I See 0. B. Fay, " Go-operation at Home and Abroad." 

II See Sir Horace Plonkett's " Ireland in the New Century *' and the 
Annual Beports of the Irish Agriooltural Organisation Society (Plunkett 
House, DubliD). 

Digitized by 



oonditions, and in the same way in relation to distribution 
promotes effioienoy and economy in packing, grading, and 
marketing goods, and consequently the realisation of better 
prices, while by means of organisation and combination it 
reduces the cost of transport and of middlemen's commission 

As to the necessity for credit banks and co-operation as 
adjuncts to the system of small holdings there is no dispute, 
and it is matter for congratulation that however much difference 
of opinion there may be between the advocates of tenancy 
and ownership, there is entire agreement as to the need for 
encouraging co-operation in respect of credit, production, and 
distribution among small-holders. 


System of SicALii Holdings. 

1. A Baooessful smaU-holdiiigB system is more likely to result from 
a basis of ownership, which gives every smaU-holder a stake in the 

3. Ownership acts as an Incentive to hard work and steady application, 
and encourages the smaU-holder, dnoe he has something to lose in the 
event of (i^ure, to take a personal interest in his holding 

8. The tenant, having little or nothing to lose, is more easily discouraged, 
and can, and will, throw up his holding if he gets into difficulties. 

4. The loss in that case wiU faU upon the local authorities, and 
ultimately upon the ratepayers, whose money ought not to be employed 
upon schemes in which there is any risk. 

6. The ** magic of property," while it is largely a matter of sentiment, 
is a powerful factor in the success of a smaU holding, or of any other, 

6. The absence at the present time of a demand for ownership is no proof 
that ownership in practice would not prove popular. 

7. No opportunity of proving the ownership system has yet occurred, 
the necessity which lies on the smaU-holder of finding 20 per cent, of the 
purchase money acting as an unsurmountable obstacle to purchase. 

8. On the Gontinent, where the small-holder has been granted facilities 
for purchase, every advantage of them has been taken. 

9. The superiority of ownership over tenancy is shown by the statistics 
of those countries where the majority of small-holders are owners. 

10. There is no need for the small-owner to sink much, ot even any, 
capital on the land at the outset; nearly all, if not all, the purchase 


Digitized by 



0101107 oan be adruioed to him, uid the rapftyment of the loan can be 
toqpended during the flnt few yean of the oooapeooy. 

11. Oo-operatiTe credit enaUee the anall-holder who bays to bcxrow 
on eaey tenni, without having reoonne to money-lenders, such mcMiey 
as he needs to derelop his holding or tide orer bad times. 

13. In any ease the annual charge for paying of! the loan for the 
pnrohase of the holding will not, or shonld not, be more than the small- 
holder pays by way of rent to the public aathori^. 

18. On the other hand, the rent charged by the pnUic authority to a 
tenancy small-holder inolndes a som which enables the Goonty Council 
in a given number of years to completely recoup the loan raised for 
purchasing the land. 

14. The tenancy small-holder, in fact, buys the land for the Ck>unty 
Council, but always remains a tenant. 

16. Under the ownership scheme the small-holder's payments would 
result in his buying his holding for himself. 

16. It is true, that in order to preserve small holdings as such, proper 
restrictions have to be placed upon the use of the land, and the owner 
prevented from disposing of it for any purpose other than that of a small 

17. Such restrictions are, however, in operation on the Continent, 
where they are not found to impair or destroy the popularity of the policy 
of ownership. 

18. An extensive system of small ownership is a valuable bulwark 
against Socialism. 

19. Ownership by public authorities of land occupied by small-hcdders 
as tenants is a condition favouring further ptogtem towards the realisa- 
tion of the Sodalist scheme of land nationalisation. 


1. As a business proposition ownership has no advantages over tenancy. 

3. The tenant under a public authority enjoys perfect security of tenure, 
but is free from the bonds which bind an owner to his land. 

8. He receives full compensation for his improvements at the expiration 
of his tenancy. 

4. The idea of ownership is largely a matter of sentiment, and does not 
wei^ with small-holders. 

6. Tenancy enables a small-holder to put his capital into the land for 
cultivation instead of hoarding it in order to purchase. 

6. Under any system of instalment purchase the smaU-holder is no 
more than a nominal owner, until he has paid off the purchase price of the 
holding after many years. 

7. All this time he is bound to the land, having sunk his capital therein. 

8. This condition of dependence compels him to mortgage the land, 
or to have recourse to money-lenders in bad times. 

Digitized by 



9. The want of &ee oi^ital to meet bad seasons leads to straitened cir- 
omnstances, laborious toil, and deprivation of all but the barest necessities, 
in order to the satisfaction of the demands of creditors. 

10. The owner has himself to provide for buildings, repairs, upkeep, and 
other charges, from which the tenant is relieved. 

11. These dangers threaten the success of any small-holding system 
based on ownership. 

12. The tenant small-holder, on the other hand, is free from these 
financial responsibilities, and in bad seasons may be assisted by the owning 
public authority, which may agree to take a lower rent for the time on the 
tenant agreeing to make up the deficiency when the crisis is passed. 

13. Under the ownership system small holdings are subjected to 
restrictions in respect of sale, mortgage and subdivision, which more 
than counterbalanoe the sentimental attractions of possession. 

14. The tenant small-holder is free to give up his holding without losing 
all his capital if he finds that agriculture does not suit him, or if he 
desires to embark upon farming upon a more extensive scale on a larger 


Literature on the Small Holding movement can be obtained from the 
Small Ownership Committee (4, Regent Street, W.) and from the Rural 
League (110 Strand, W.O.). Both organisations advocate ownership — the 
former through a National Land Bank, and the latter by State credit. 

Sir Gilbert Parker's ** The Land, the People, and the State " puts 
forward the claims of the National Land Bank, and also deals with the 
cognate questions of credit and co-operation. <* Land Reform," by the Rt. 
Hon. Jesse Oollings, M.P., deals with the question of small holdhigs, and 
advocates the claims of State credit. ** Small Holders," by Edwin Pratt, 
sums up against ownership, but in favour of co-operation and organisation. 
Other books by the same author are ** The Organisation of Agriculture" and 
<* The Transition of Agriculture." The standard book on agricultural 
credit is ** People's Banks," by H. W. Wolff, and on agricultural co- 
operation <* Go-operation at Home and Abroad," by 0. R. Fay. 

For Ireland Sir Horace Plunkett*s <* Ireland in the New Century," 
supplemented by the annual reports of the Irish Agricultural Organisation 
Society, gives a full account of the movement. The arguments for co- 
operation and the development of small holdings in England may also be 
studied in the publications of the Agricultural Organisation Society 
(Queen Anne's Chambers, Tothill Street, Westminster, S.W.). 

Miss Jebb*s ** Small Holdings " gives an excellent account of a tour 
through the various small-holding colonies in England before the Act of 
1906. There is much, too, to be learned from " Land and Labour Lessons 
from Belgium," by H. Seebohm Rowntree. 

Christopher Tumor's ** Land Problems and National Welfare" describes 
agricultural conditions as they exist to-day. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 



Adult Suffrage, 1SS4 

BibUography, 257 
Afghanistan, importance to India 

diminished, 71 

Oo-operation, 400 

Organisation, 400 

Population engaged in, 890 
Agrioultare, Department of, 269 
Albania, 81, 82,101 
Algeoiras, Treaty of, 102 
Alternative Vote, 244, 247 
Appellate Jurisdiction BiU, 176 
Arbitration, see Peace movement 
Arbitration awards, enforcement 

of, 176 
Armaments, expenditure on, an 
insurance, 67 

Employment to labour, 55 

German opinion, 57 

Not excessive, 55 
Anny, 90-64 

Arguments for and agidnst a 
small army, 59-68 

Bibliography, 64 

Gompulsory Service, 88 
Sir Ian Hamilton on, 42 

Oompulsory training, 40 

Defence problem, 85 

Bffoct of Germany on policy, 81 


Elgin Commission Beport on 

Army system, 47 
Expeditionary force, 88 
French Sociidist opposition to, 54 
Function of, 80 
Haldane, Lord, policy of, 37 
Home defence. National Boniot 

League policy, 44 
Land frontier, defence of, 84 
Length of service, 88 
Norfolk Oommission Beport on 
compulsory training, 47, 68 
Opposition of certain politicians, 

Recruiting, oompulsory service 

no obstacle to, 44 
Roberts, Lord, military policy, 41 
Territorial, 87-40 
Deficiency in numbers, 40 
Efficiency of, 88, 89 
Triple entente^ effectiveness of, 82 
Ashley, Wilfrid, M.P., on navy, 7 
Asiatic Law Amendment Act (1907), 


Asiatic Begistration Amendment 

Law (1908), 165, 167, 169 

Asquith, Bight Hon. H. H., MJ?.— 

Activity of Church in England 

and Wales, 815 
Education administration, 299 
Legislation, 295 

Digitized by 




Imperiftl Prefeienoe, benefits of, 

Inoome tex, pemument, 896 

Lftnd paiohaae, opposition to, 

Necessities, present tftZAtion of, 

Fftdiament Act, instability of 
legisUition under, 919 

Bedistribution, need for, 949 

Referendum, 916 
** Assigned revenues," 885 
Atherley-Jones, L., M.P., Declara- 
tion of London, 94 
Australia — 

Cadet system, 179 

Defence proposals, 178, 179 

Naval defence, 178, 179 

Albania, interyention in, 89 

Balkan policy, 89 

(German alliance, effect on British 
navy, 16 

Baghdad Bailway, 99-100 
British interests in, importance 

of, 98 
British participation in, argu- 
ments for and against. 111 
Oapital needed, 93 
Conditions changed since 1908,99 
Construction guarantee, terms of, 

Conventions of 1911, 98, 99 
British interests threatened 

by, 99 
Value to Gtermany, 99 
Extensions, 96-98, 99 

British hiterests in, 97 
financial arrangements, 94 
Sitzmaurice Lord, on, 98 
German interests in, 93, 95, 96 
Koweit, British Protectorate, 96 
Terminus on Persian Oulf , 95 

Morley,Lord, on British interests, 

Persian Gulf section, control 
essential to Great Britain, 
Turkish customs duties, increase 
hi, 94 

Balfour, Bt. Hon. A., M.P., Declara- 
tion of London, 98 

Balkan question, 81 

Barnes, G. N., M.P., navy, 19 

Bel&st, customs revenue collected 
at, 978 

Belgium — 
Congo, annexation of, arguments 
for and against, 109 
Belgian policy, 90-99 
List system of proportional re- 
presentation, 945 

Beresford, Admiral Lord Charles, 
M.P., navy, 8 

BirreU Education BiU (1906), 991 

Blockades, difficulty of, 48 

Borden, Bt. Hon. B. L., Canadian 
navy, 14 

Botha, General, Lidian immigra- 
tion, 170 

British and Foreign School Society, 

British Empire, naval contribu- 
tions, 18 

Cablbb— " All Bed " Boute, 171 

Bates, 179 
Cadet system, 179 
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 

self-government, 964 
Canada — 
Indian immigration, 168 
Japanese immigration, 164 
Naval proposals, 18 

Taxation of, 895 

Effect on industry, 396 

Digitized by 




ChftiUey, M.^ 
Indian National Ooogress, 190 
Indian police question, 117 
Chamberlain, Bt. Hon. J., M.P., 

Imperial relations, 153 
Gh^radame, M., Baghdad Bailway, 

China — 
Actiyity on Indian frontier, 70 
Opium question, see Opium 
Chirol, Sir Valentine, Pan-Islam- 

ism, 89 
Churchill, Bt. Hon. Winston, M.P., 

nary, 26 
Civil Servants, interchange with 

Dominions, 158 
Class prejudice, weapon of, 848 
Cockerton Judgment, 285 
Collen, Sir Edwin, Indian Army, 

reduction of, 134 
Colonial Office, Elgin secretariat, 

Colonial problems, 152-186 
Colonies, bibliography, 186 
Commercial treaties, liberty of 
withdrawal for British 
Dominions, 178 
Compulsory service, 88, 179 
Australia, 178 
Hamilton, Sir Ian, on, 43 
Compulsory training, 40, 178 
Arguments for and against, 63, 

Fallacies of opponents, 46, 47 
No obstacle to recruiting, 44 
Norfolk Commission Beport, 47 
•* Conciliation *' BiU, 387-389 
CJoncurrent endowment, 813 
Oongested Districts Board, 369 
Congo, the, 89^^ 
Belgian annexation, aigoments 

for and against, 109 
Belgian poUoy, 90-93 

Ignorance of critics, 89, 91 
Badioal policy inconsistent, 89 
Badicals demand British inter- 
vention, 89 

Conscience Clause, 284 

Constitutional questions, 210-229 
Bibliography, 229 

Co-operation, agricultural, 400 

Cowper-Temple Clause, 284, 297, 

Credit Banks, 899-401 

British policy hi, 82-84 
Turkish Supremacy in, 88 

Crewe, Lord — 
Opposition to land purchase, 892 
Possibility of invasion of Great 
Britain, 17 

Cromer, Earl of, Egypt, 85 

Crosthwaite, Sir Charles, Indian 
Army, reduction of, 124 

Cumulative Vote, 245 » 

"Dbab IiOAV'' Cry, 192, 200-202 

Death Duties, 825 

Declaration of London, 21-25 
Arguments for and against, 24, 

Atherley- Jones, L., M.P., on, 24 
Cerman support of, 28 
Grey, Sir E., MJ*., on, 23, 38 
Hamburger Nachrichten on, 38 
Imperial Conference, views of, 32, 

Mahan,Capt., on, 18 
Opposition to, 22, 24 

Denominational system, tee Educa- 
tion Question 

Devlin, J., M.P., Separation, 368 

Dinizulu, 183 

Disarmament, see Peace Movement 

Disendowment, see Disestablish- 

Digitized by 





Alleged inequalities removed by, 

Arguments for uid against, 816- 

Asquith, Bt. Hon. H. H., M.P., 
activity of Ghnroh in Eng- 
land and Wales, 316 

Assumed anxiety for the Church, 


Ohurch Funds to be applied to 
secular purposes, 806 

Ooncurrent endowment, 312 

Disendowment the real question, 

Gladstone, Bt. Hon. W. E., on 
differences between Welsh 
and Irish Churches, 814 

HostiUty to the Church, 805 

Inseparable from disendowment, 

Irish, Welsh Church not analo- 
gous to, 314 

Logical conclusion of, 807 

National property argument, 810- 

Nonconformist attitude, 304 

Obligations of Establishment, 306, 

Old Age Pensions to be increased 
by disendowment, 806 

Parliamentary candidates, atti- 
tude of, 318 

Promise of material gain, 306 

Belations of Church and State, 

Besults of, 307 

Buling principle of disendow- 
ment, 306 

Tithes, question of, 311 

Welsh, •< Alien" Church argu- 
ment, 813 

Church advandng, 315 
Disendowment proposals, 305 
Majority argument, 312 
Only practical politics, 806 
No analogy with Ireland, 814 
No justification for, 816 
Parliamentary candidates, atti- 
tude of, 313 
Preliminary to English Churchy 

Beligious census question, 314 
Special argument for, 312 

*' Double** market, advantages of, 

Dreadnought class, 6 

Dudley Commission, 269 

Dumping, 194 

East Africa, Masai question, 184 
Education Act (1870), 284, 285 
Conscience Clause, 284 
Cowper-Temple Clause, 284, 297, 

Section 96, overridden by Mr. 

McKenna, 300 
Education Act (1902), 285-291 
Effect on reUgious controversy, 

«• Fair wear and tear " Clause, 286 
Kenyon-Slaney Clause, 287 
Nonconformist opposition, 287 
** Passive resistance " movement, 

Popular control, 288 
Bate-aid, 286 
Nonconformist opposition to, 

Bunciman, Bt. Hon. W., M.P., 

hostiUty to, 295 
Teachers' position under, 290 
Voluntary Schools under, 286 
Education Bill (1906), 291 
FadUties Clause, 292 
Public opinion against, 292 

Digitized by 




Special Faoiliiies Glaiue, 89S 
Edaoation BiU (1907), 289, 298 
«<A sword," Mr. MoKenna's 

sfcatemfint, 298 
Edooaiion (MoKenna) BiU (1908), 

Edaoation (Banoiman) Bill (1908), 

"Bight of entry" nnder, 294, 

Boman Oatholic schools, position 

nnder, 291 
Bdneattmi OoMitloii, 288-808 
Arguments for and against, 80O- 

Asquith, Bt. Hon. H. H., M.P., 

on legislation, 296 
BibUography, 808 
Gockerton Judgment, 285 
Gontracting-out, 294 
Dual system, 288, 286, 298 
Early history, 284 
Liberal administration nnjnst, 

Little connection with education, 

Need for legislation in 1902, 285 
Need for settlement, 295 
•« Parents* rights," 296, 298 
School Boards, 284 
Single school areas, 292, 298, 

State and religious instruction, 

Suggestions for settlement, 

Swansea school case, 299 
" Tests Uxt teachers," 290, 298, 

Voluntary system, 284 
Wheelwriight schools case, 299 
Association of Egyptians with 

administration, 86 

British education policy a failure, 

Eyacuation impossible, 84 
(German attacks <m British 

policy, 87 
German influence increasing, 87 
Gorst, Sir Eldon, policy of, 86 
National Assembly reject Sues 

Ganal agreement, 87 
Nationalist Party responsible for 
murder of Prime Minister, 
Nationalist Press, dangerous 

character of, 86 
Occupation of. Sir Eldon Qont 

on time limit, 86 
Bepresentative Institutions, 
arguments for and against, 
Boosevelt, T., speech on British 
policy, 85 
Effect of, 86 
Self-government impossible, 88 
Unrest analogous to Indian, 84 
Produces financial difficulty, 87 
Stronger measures adopted, 86 
Sympathy of certain British 
Parties, 84 
Egyptian Questions, 84-88 
Ei^t Hours Day, 869 
Argument for and against, 882- 
Electoral systems, Boyal Commis- 
sion on, 248-247 
Elgin Commission Beport, need of 

military system, 47 
Effect d Tariff Beform on, 192 
From United Kingdom to British 
Dominions, 161 
Englftnd, Church of, see Disestab- 
lishment and Disendow- 
Expeditionary Force, 88 

Digitized by 




ShAW, Bernard, on, 849 
BnooeM of, 849 
Sapport«m of, 849 
<«Fftir wear and tew" OlMiBe, 386 
Flaaaee aad nuwtlen, 890-844 
Basis of tftZAtion too Bftnow, 898 
Bibliogr»phy, 844 
Budget of 1909, arguments for 
and against, 387-840 
Socialist support for, 850 
Capital, taxation of, 895 
Effect on industry, 896 
Death Duties, 826 
Food, taxation of, 899 
Incidence of taxation on alco- 
holic liquors and tobacco, 
Income Tax, 896-898 
Adrantages d, 897 
Oomplications of, 897 
Gladstone, Mr. W. E., on, 827 
Growth of, 897 
Imperial regulation, 174 
Permanence of, Mr. Asquith on, 
Land, taxation of, SM Land Taxes 
Liquor licences, 394 

<* Swingeing" duties, 894 
Local finance, 333-337 
Luxuries untaxed, 822 
Necessities taxed, 822 

Asquith, Mr. H. H., on, 323 
Principles of, 320 
Revenue tariff, 320-822 
Oost of collection, 821 
Effect on prices, 321 
Estimated yield, 821 
Russian Policy, 74-77 
Arguments for and against, 107 
Fiscal question, 187-209 
Arguments for and agidnst Tariff 
Beform, 203-208 

BiUiograi^y, 206 
Rsher, Lord, Defence policy, 58 
Fltanaurice, Lord, Bagdad Bail- 
way, 98 
Under Free Trade, 198, 901 
Under Tariff Reform, 199, 900- 
Food supples, foreign, 891 
FWtign AflJUri, 65-119 
BibUography, 119 
Parliamentary treatment, 65-67 
Morocco, intervention in, 109 
Position in, recognised by 
Great Britain, 108 
Franchise, 930^958 
Adult suffrage, 984 
Bibliography, 957 
Anomalies of, 981-988 
BibUography, 957 -958 
« Conciliation " BiU, 937-939 
Growth of, 934-986 
Lodger franchise, 938 
London Elections BiU, 939 
Manhood Suffrage, 984, 935 
Argument for and agidnst, 
" One Man, one Vote,*' §e$ Plural 

Ownership Franchise, 289 
Plural Voting, 939, 989-940 
Alleged advantage to Unionists, 

Arguments for and against, 

BibUography, 958 
House of Lords' attitude, 940 
Qualifying period, 989 
Reforms suggested, 981-St88 
Removals, 981 
«« Service " Franchise, 988 
SimpHflcatlon necessary, 980 
" Successive occupation," 989 

Digitized by 




Women's Suffrage, 286-2d9 
Arguments for and against, 

BibUography, 267 
" Conciliation" BiU, 237-289 
Fraser, Sir A., Indian Police, 142 
Free Trade— 
Contrary to modem industrial 

legislation, 188, 192, 193 
Doctrine of ** Cheapness," 193 
** Double market," advantages of, 

denied by, 196 
« Dumping," encouraged under, 

Failure of, 190 

Mr. Lloyd G^rge on, 197 
Food, prices under, 198, 201 
Most - fovoured - nation clause 

under, 196-198 
Policy of « Manchester School," 

Prophecies falsified, 191 
Friendly Societies under National 
Insurance Act, 376, 379 

Gbobgb, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd, M.P.— 
Imperial Preference, ]^benefits of, 

Infamy of war, 61 
Injury from foreign tariffs, 197 
Land Nationalisation, 832 
Separation ** unthinkable," 267 
Socialist support for Budget, 360 
(George, Henry, support for land 

taxes, 332 
Germany — 
Anglo - Japanese agreement, 

opinion of, 106 
Antagonism to Great Britain, 

Austrian Alliance, effect on British 

navy, 16 
Baghdad Bailway, influence in, 

93, 96, 96 

Declaration Of London, support 

for, 23 
Effect on British Army policy, 

Egypt, influence increasing, 87 
Pdioy of Great Britain at- 
tacked, 87 
HostiUty to Great Britain denied 

by Labour Party, 11 
Inyasion of Great Britain, 14 
Morocco, action indefensible, 102 
Nayal and military policy, 81 
Nary, British superiority re- 
duced, 7 
Comparison with Great Britain, 

2, 4, 7 
Construction, comparison with 

Great Britain, 7 
Dock accommodation for 

Dreadnoughts, 8 
Limitation of opinions on, 60 
Personnel, comparison with 

Britain, 7, 9 
Beasons for increase of, 12 
Strength in Home waters, 7 
War with Great Britain, 3, 17 
Cost of, 17 
Gladstone, Bt. Hon. W. E.— 
Disestablishment, differences be- 
tween Welsh and Irish 
Churches, 314 
Income Tax, 327 
Gorst, Sir Bldon— 
British occupation of Egypt, time 

limit to, 86 
Egyptian policy, 86 
Gosohen, Lord, possibility of in- 
vasion of Great Britain, 17 
Great Britain— 
Invasion of, 14, 16, 17, 37, 47, 48 
War with Germany, 3, 17 
Cost of, 17 
Grey, Sir E., M.P., Declaration of 
London, 22, 23 

Digitized by 




Gkdimess, Hon. W., M.P., Imperial 
Ckmfeience and Interna- 
tional politiot, motion on, 

Hakdahs, Lobd, military policy, 

Hamfmrgmr NachrichUn, Declara- 
tion of London, 28 
Hamilton, Sir Ian, compulsory 
serrice, opposition to, 42 
Haroonrt, Bt. Hon. K, M.P., 
opposition to land pur- 
chase, 892 
Harrison, Frederic, necessity of 

security against war, 4 
Henderson, Sir Alexander, taxation, 

Hibernian Journal, 276 
Hibernians, Ancient Order of, 271, 
Connection with United Irish 
League, 276 
HAme Sole, 25d-282 
ArgumMits for and against, 277- 

BihUography, 281-282 
Bill, 1886, Pamell's acceptance 

of as instalment, 261 
Bill, 1893, not accepted as final 
settlement by Mr. John 
Bedmond, 261 
Golonial analogy, alleged, 266 
Difficulty of definition, 259 
Extremists' opinion, danger of, 

First measure under Parliament 

Act, 211 
Half measure, its danger, 260 

No settlement, 269, 267 
Inopportune, 276 
Irish-American opinion, 262-264, 

Liberal argument for, 269 

Liberal plan, no settlement, 961, 

266, 272 
Liberal plan only an instalment, 

261, 262-264, 266 
Nationalist meaning of, 260, 366 
Nationality, doctrine of, 261, 966 

Its imp<Hrtance, 264, 266 
Beligious aspect, 273-276 
Boman Oatholic intolerance, lear 

of, 273-276 
Safeguards for minorities, 275 
<« Separation,*' 262-264, 266, 967 
Mr. Lloyd George, M J?., on, 267 
Supremacy of Imperial Parlia- 
ment, 266 
Ulster under, 270-276 
Unionist alternative poUcy, 267 
Unionist minority under, 270- 
Safeguards for, 276 

Iluoit arms traffic, 80 
Imperial Oonference, 162 
Declaration of London, 22 
Public opinion in Dominions, 

Besults of, 179-181, 184 
Standing Oommittee proposed, 
Imperial GouncU of State, 166, 169 

Necessity for, 176 
Imperial Court of Appeal, 176 
Imperial Defence, 163-166, 176-179 
Acti<m of British Dominions, 68, 

Consultation with Colonial Prime 

Ministers, 166, 167 
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, on partici- 
pation of colonies, 164, 178 
Imperial Naturalisation Laws, 160 
Imperial Preference, 173-174, 199- 

Asquith, Bt. Hon. H. H., M.P., 
on its benefits, 202 

Digitized by 




George, Bt Hon. D. Lloyd, M.P., 

on its benefits, 903 
" Most-favooied-nfttion *' olanse 

an obstacle, 178, 174 
Need for immediate action, 902 
Imperial relations- 
Chamberlain, Bt. Hon. J., M.P., 

on, 159 
Suggested developments, 169 
Income Tax, 826-398 
Advantages of, 827 
Complioation of, 827 
Gladstone, Bt. Hon. W. E., on 

Growth of, 827 
Imperial regulation, 174 
Permanence of, Mr. Asquith on, 
mdlaiiAIIJUTS, 118-161 
Activity of Ohina on frontier, 

Beasons urged for economy, 

Beduction of, 86, 121-196 
Arguments for and against, 

Policy of British Govern- 
ment, 194, 195 
T^ews of experts, 194 
Strength of, 122 
Bengal, partition of, 116 
Bibliocpraphy, 150 
Gensus, 140 

Coronation concessions, 189 
Counterndling duties, 128, 181 
Due to England's policy of 
free trade, 129 
Defence problem, 85 
District magistrates, attacks on, 
Position of, 119 
Education question, 181*188 

Compulsory Education Bill, 182 
Free Compulsory, arguments 
for and against, 146 
Free Trade, the policy of British 

Government, 181 
Iffig^ Courts, failure of, 118 
Hostile attitude of certain 
British parties towards 
ofiacials, 114 
Liquor question, 188 
National Congress, 120 
Chailley, M., on, 120 
Not representative of the 
people, 120 
Officials, hoBtiUty to, 114, 116, 

117, 119 
Opium question, see Opium 

Parliamentary discussion of 

questions, 118 
Police question, 116-118 
Allegation of cruelty and 

corruption, 117, 118 
An Indian force, 116 
Chailley, M., on, 117 
Efficiency, arguments for and 
against, 140-142 
Population of, 140 
Preferential tariff, 190 
Arguments for and against, 
Publicity of official acts, 114 
Bailway development towards, 

Bepresentative government, ex- 
tension of, arguments for 
and against, 147-150 
Bevenue, loss from opium traffic, 

Boosevelt, T., Egyptian speech 

applicable to India, 85 
Bnssian advance, apprehensions 
relieved by Anglo«Bussian 
Conv«ntiQn, 70 

Digitized by 




I invMion of, 86 
Tfttlfi Befonn neooBsarj, Lord 

Hinto'8 Tiew, 1S9 
Teft, labour quMtioiiy 180 

Pref trenoe lor, 180 
WMlth of, Britiah drain alleged, 
Sir Theodore Morieon on, 136 
Indian Emigration (Oanada) Act 

(1888), 168 
Indian inunigration, 16S>165, 166- 
To Grown Odonies and Pro- 
tectorate, 166, 182 
Indian indentured labour, 181 
Insurance Act, 9$e National Insur- 
ance Act 
Invalidity, insurance against, see 

National Insurance Act 
Ireland — 
Agriculture, Department of, 269 
Ancient Order of Hibernians, 271, 

Gonnection with United Irish 

League, 276 
BlbliQgraphy, 281-282 
Congested Districts Board, 269 
Dudley Gonmiission, 269 
Home Rule, see Home Bule 
Industrial development, 270 
Irish Agricultural Organisation 

Society, 269 
Land Purchase, 268 
Local Government, Nationalist 
promises of toleration, 274 
Unionist representation, 276 
National University, Cardinal 

'< Becess '* Committee, 269 
Representation at Westminster 

under Act of Union, 242 
«< Self-hdp ** movement, 268-270 
Sinn Vein movemeiit, 271 
Ulster question, 270-276 

Unionist development pc^cy, 

Unionist minority, position of, 
Local Gk>vemment, 276 
Safeguards for, 276 
Irish Agricultural Organiaatioii 

Society, 269 
Irish Industrial Development 

Association, 270 
Irish Nationalist Party- 
Attitude in time of war, 260 

"Bankrupt," 262 

Deny Irish prosperity an alterna- 
tive to Home Bule, 264 

Extremist opinion, attitude 
towards, 270-272 

Imperialist views, 262 

Intolerance of minorities, 276 

Promises of toleration, 274 

Bedistribution, 242 

<* Self-help" movement, opposi- 
tion to, 268-270 

Speeches in U.S.A., 262-264 

Ultimate aim, 263, 267 

Japan — 
Agreement with Great Britain, 
Opinion of British Empire, 105 
Opinion of Germany, 106 
Benewed 1911, 106 
Immigration to Canada, 164 

Kbnton-Slanet Clause, 287 
Kettle, Prof. T. M., separation, 263 

Baghdad Railway terminus on 
Persian Gulf, 96, 101 

British Protect<»ate, 96 

Conditions of, 369-879 

Digitized by 




Hours of, 867 
Eight hooradAy, arguments for 
and against, 882.884 
Protection for, against Eastern 
competition, 190 
Labour Exchanges, 868, 874 
Extension on Imperial basis pro- 
posed, 168 
Labour Party— 
A SooiaUst Party, 849, 863, 864 
Attitude towards Indian Immi- 
gration to South Africa, 
Oontributions to, 864, 866 
Csar of Russia, opposition to, 

Deny German hostility, 11 
Growth of, 868, 864 
Hostile attitude towards Indian 

officials, 114 
Moroccan Question, opposition to 
BritishGoTemment policy, 
Nayy, attitude on, 11 
Views not supported by Oon- 
tinental colleagues, 12 
Osborne Judgment, 864-868 
Arguments fmr and against, 868- 

MacDonald, J. Bamsay, MJ*., 

on defiance of, 866 
Payment of Members no alter- 
native, 218, 867 
Proposals for alteration, 866 
Berersal of, suggested, 866 
Payment of Members, 218, 867 
Support of Masai Tribe, inconsis- 
tency of, 184 
Labour Bepresentation Committee, 
Socialist representation on, 864 
Land, Agricultural-Hmlief afioided 
to, 884 
Burden d rates on, 884 

Land Nationalisation— 
George, Bt. Hon. D. Lloyd, M.P., 

on, 882 
Gteorge, Henry, on attainment 

through taxation, 882 
Objective of land taxes, 882 
Ure, Bt. Hon. A., M.P., on objec- 
tive of land taxes, 888 
Land Purchase proposals, 89&-401 
Land Beform, 890-408 
Land taxes, 828-888 
Argument for and against, 840- 

BibUography, 844 
Effect on local finance, 888 
FaUure of, 888 
George, Henry, support for land 

taxes, 882 
Nationalisation, the objective of, 

Political advantage of, 828 
•« Site value," 880 
Undeveloped land duty, 380- 
Bfiect on housing and building, 
Unearned increment, 829 
Ure, Bt. Hon. A., M.P., on nation- 
alisation principle of, 383 
Lansdowne, Lord, Beform of House 

of Lords Bill, 219 
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, participation 
of Colonies in Imperial 
Defence, 164, 178 
Law, Bt. Hon. A. Bonar— 
Foreign afiEairs, 104 
Socialism, 887 
Liquor question — 
Effect of new duties on local 

finance, 886 
Bundman, Bt. Hon. W., M.P., 

on, 826 
** Swingeing " duties on licences, 

Digitized by 




Tttutioo, aS4 
Liii lyrtem, 846 
Local finance, 88S-887 
« Assigned lerenneB,*' 885 
BibUography, 844 
Ooeft of new legislation, 884, 886 
Increased expenditure, result of 
demand for efficiency, 887 
Land taiee, e£Eect of, 888 
Liquor duties, e£Eect of, 886 
Local taxation for naticmal 

services, 886 
Need for revision, 884-837 
Old Age Pensions, e£Eect of, 886 
Bates, increase in, 887 
Boad Board, effect of, 886 
Local government, increased cost 

of, SM Local Finance 
Local taxation, Boyal Oommission 

on, 884-886 
Lodger franchise, 288 
Logue, Cardinal, K»tional Univer- 
sity to be made Oatholio, 
London Elections BiU, 282, 240 
Lords, House of — 
Attitude towards Plural Voting 

Bill, 240 
BibUography, 229 
Creation of Peers threatened, 

Education Bill (1906), 292 
liberal measures rejected, 220 
Peaceful coercion of, 210 
B^orm, 214, 216, 219-221 
Hereditary right abandoned, 

Unionist plans, 219-221 
Surrender, effect of, 210 
Lucas, Lord, army, 62 
Lynch, H. F. B., Baghdad Bailway, 

Lytton, Lord, pubUd^ of Indian 
officials, 116 

MAODONiJ.D, J. Ramsat, M.P., 
Osborne Judgment defied, 
McKenna, Bt Hon. B., M.P.— 
Education Bill <* a sword," 293 
Unjust educational administra- 
tion, 299 
Mahan, Capt., Declaration of Lon- 
don, 18 
Hanchester School, Free Traders, 

Manhood suffrage, 234, 236 
Arguments for and against, 227- 
Manning, Gteneral Sir William, 

Somaliland, 79 
Masid foibe, 184 
Members of Parliament— 
Payment of, 217 
Arguments for and against, 

No alternative to reversal of 
Osborne judgment, 218, 367 
Bepayment of expenses, 218 
Migration within the Empire, 161 
Ifilner, Viscount, army,. 63 
Miners Federation join Labour 

Party, 849, 864 
Miniipnm wage, 870-372 

Arguments for and against, 884 
BCining royalties, taxation of, argu- 
ments for and against, 843 
Minorities, representation of, 243- 

Minto, Lord, Tariff Bef orm neces- 
sary for India, 129 
Money, Chiozsa, M.P.— 
CostofUving, 199 
Kavy, 6 
Moais, M., navy, 12 
Montagu, Hon. E. S., M.P.— 
Free Trade for IndU^ 181 
Indian Army, reduction of, policy 
of British Government, 125 

Digitized by 




Morison, Sir Theodore, wealth of 

India, 126 
Morley, Lord- 
Attitude towards criticism of 

Indian officials, 114 
Baghdad Railway, British inter- 
ests in, 98 
Moroccan Question, 102-104 
British 6k>yemment policy, 103 

Labour opposition to, 103 
Franco-German Agreement, Brit- 
ish support of, 104 
Terms of, 104 
French intervention, 102 
French position recognised by 

Great Britain, 103 
German action indefensible, 102 
ICost-fayoured-nation Clause— 
An illusory benefit, 196-198 
Obstacle to Imperial preference, 
173, 174 

National Insurance Act, 373-379 
Bibliography, 389 
Glasses unnecessarily insured, 

Competition imder, 379 
Defects of, 376 

Friendly Societies, treatment of, 
376, 379 
Invalidity — 
(German system, 377 
Omissions in, 378 
Small provision for, 377 
Unemployment Insurance, 373> 
National Land Banks, 398-401 
National Service League, Home 

Defence policy, 44 
National Society, 284 
Naturalisation within the Empire, 

MaT7> 1-29 
Additions to, 6 

Arbitration treaties without influ* 
ence on, .19 

Arguments for and against a 
reduced navy, 26-27 

Australian, 178-179 

Austro-German alliance, effect of » 

Bibliography, 29 

Blockades, difficulty of, 48 

Canadian proposals, 13 

Comparison with Germany, 2, 4, 7 

Comparison with other oountries,4 

Construction, comparison with 
Germany, 7 

Cost of, and social reform, 21 
A small insurance, 20 

Dock acconmiodation for Dread- 
noughts, 9 

Dominion navies, 164, 177, 178, 
Co-operation vnth British, 177 

Dreadnought Class, 6 

Estimates (1911-12), 2 

Financial reforms needed, 19 

Guarantee against invasion, 14- 

Imperial contributions, 13 

Labour Party attitude, 11 

Lessons of Russo-Japanese War, 

Liberal Government attitude, 9» 
11, 66, 68 

Liberal Party, divergent opinions 
of, 11 

Limitation of, German opinion,60 

Necessity for, 13, 14 

Personnel, comparison vnth other 
countries, 7> 9 

Strength, 4-6 
In Home waters, 7 

Superiority over Germany re- 
duced, 7 

Supremacy endangered, 3, 6-6, 16 

Two-Power standard, 1, 3, 6 


Digitized by 




Naftr-EMtem qaeBkioiiB, 82-84 
Nagotifttkni enoooiaged bj Tariff 

mgerift, South, liquor question, 183 
Nonoonfonnist ** Free " Ghnrohes — 
Inacouiaoy of name, 809 
No separate Welsh oiganisation, 

Pariiamentary regulation of, 

State control of, 809, 810 
** Non-provided '* schools, 286 
Norfolk Commission Beport on 
oompulsoiy training, 47 

O'OoNHOB, T. P., M^., Home Rule, 

definitions of, 366 
Old Age Pensions, 866 
Oromer Amendment, misrepre- 
sentation of, 847 
Bffect on local finance, 886 
Future extensions, 867 
Increased by disendowment, 306 
**One Man, one Vote,'* 9ee Fran- 
chise, Plural Voting 
** One Vote, one Value," $ee Redis- 
Opium question, 188-89 
China — 
Agreement with, 183, 184 
Cultivation, 137, 138 
Extinction of traffic, arguments 
for and against, 146 
Effect on Indian revenue, 134, 
Future cultivation, 138, 139 
Position of native States, 135, 

138, 139 
Substitutes for, use increasing, 

Use necessary, 136 
Osborne Judgment, 354-358 
Arguments for and against, 358- 

ICaoDonald, J. Bamsay, M.P., on 
defiance of, 355 

Payment of Members no alter- 
native, 218, 857 

Proposals for alteration, 856 

Beversal of, suggested, 855 
Ownership franchise, 239 

Pah Iblaiobm, 84, 88 
Parliament Act — 
Arguments for and against, 221- 

Bibliography, 229 
Encourages alteration of laws, 

Home Bule first measure under, 

Legislation under, instability of, 

No obstacle to Unionist measures, 

Not a complete settiement, 213 
Single-chamber government es- 
tablished by, 211 
Two years' delay a sham, 212 
Parents' rights, 296, 298 
Pamell, C. S., Home Bule Bill, 

1886, an instalment, 261 
'* Passive resistance " movement, 

Payment of Members, 217 
Arguments for and against, 225- 

No alternative to reversal of Os- 
borne Judgment, 218, 857 
Peace movement — 
Arguments for and against, 59-68 
Continental opinion of, 50, 53 
Boosevelt, Theodore, on, 51 
Taft, President, on arbitration, 

Weakness of, 49, 51 
Persia — 
Anglo-Bussian Convention, 67-71 

Digitized by 




Failure of ParliomeDtaiy goyem- 

ment, 69 
niidt arms txafl^ in Persian 

Golf, 80 
Bailway development in, see 
Baghdad Bailway 
Pitt, William, possibility of inva- 
sion of Great Britain, 16 
Plnnkett, Sir Horace — 
Irish Agricnltnral Organisation 

Society, 268-270 
Self-help movement, 268-270 
Plural voting, 282, 289-240 
Alleged advantage to Unionists, 

Arguments for and against, 254- 

Biblii^praphy, 258 
House of Lords attitude, 240 
None imder Bef erendum, 240 
Poor Law Ciommission, 868 

Minority Beport, 868 
Poor Law reform, 867 

Bibliography, 888 
Popular control in education, 288 
Pretyman, £. G., M.P., land values, 

Privy Goimoil Judicial Committee, 
weakness of, as Imperial 
Court of Appeal, 175 
Proportional represepitation, see 
Bepresentation, Propor- 
Protection, see Tariff Beform 
'* Provided '* schools, 286 

Baiffbisbn Banks, 899 
" Becess " Committee, 269 
Beoiprocity, see Imperial Preference 
Bedistribution — 

Asquith, Bight Hon. H. H., M.P., 
on need for, 242 

Irish Nationalist attitude, 242 

Need for, 241 

** One vote, one value,*' 241 
Unionist proposals, 242 
Bedmond, John, M.P. — 
Attitude towards Irish remedial 

legislation, 264 
Education (Bunciman) Bill, 1908, 

Boman Catholic Schools 

under, 294 
*' Extremists," attitude towards, 

Home Bule Bill, 1898, not a final 

settlement, 261 
Imperii^t opinions, 262 
Inconsistencies, 262 
Irish Nationalist Party bankrupt, 

National independence, 264 
Promises toleration in Irish local 

government, 274 
Stands where Pameli stood, 261 
Supremacy of Imperial Parlia- 
ment, 266 
Ultimate aim, 268 
Bees, Sir J. D., Indian questions, 

Beferendum, 214-216 
Arguments for and against, 228- 

Asquith, Bight Hon. H. H., M.P., 

on, 215 
Australia, 214, 216 
Bibliography, 229 
Inequalities of representation 

avoided, 240 
No plural voting under, 240 
Badical opinion, 215 
Bepresentation, 230-258 
Alternative vote, 244, 247 
BibUography, 257-258 
Cumulative vote, 245 
Inequalities, see Bedistribution 
Inequalities avoided under refe- 
rendum, 240 
Ireland under Act of Union, 242 

Digitized by 




Need for other methods, 342 
Proportional, 343, 245-347 
Arguments lor and agarnst, 

BibUography, 358 
List system, 245 
Transferable vote, 346 
Arguments for and against, 

Bibliography, 358 
Boyal Commission on, 843-347 
Second BaUot, 243 
Bevenne tarifE, see TarllE Beform 
Bight of capture at sea, see Declara- 
tion of London 
Bight of entry, 294, 295, 298 
"Bight to Work," 370 

Arguments for and against, 381 
Boad Board, efEect on local finance, 

Boberts, Lord, army training, 41 
Bonaldshay, Earl of, India, 131, 143 
Boosevelt, Theodore — 

British policy in Egypt, speech 
on, 85 
Applicable to Lidia, 85 
Effect of, 86 
Peace movement, 51 
Boeebery, Lord, Lords Beform re- 
solution, 219 
Bunciman, Bight Hon. W., M.P.— 
Education Act, 1902, to be **wiped 

out," 295 
Liquor question, 325 
Bural depopulation, 390 
Bural land reform, 390-403 

Bibliography, 403 
Buskin, John, on peace and war, 49 
Bussia — 

Adyance towards Lidia, effect of 
Anglo-Bussian Conyention, 
Conyention with Great Britain 
respecting Persia, 67-71 

Finnish policy, 74-77 

Arguments for and against, 107 
Friendly relations with, argn- 
ment for and against, 106 
Inyasion of India by, 36 
Labour Party, opposition to Czar, 
Busso-Japanese War, naval lessons 
of, 18 

St. Aldwyk, Lobd, effect of bread 

duty on price, 321 
Sanderson Committee, on Indian 
emigration to Crown colo- 
nies, Ac, 165, 182 
School Boards, 284, 285 
Schulze-Delitzsch banks, 399 
Schuster, Sir Felix, taxation, 826 
Second baUot, 243 
Second chamber, see Lords, House 

Seely, Col., M.P., Indian Army, 

reduction of, 124 
" Service *' franchise, 233 
Shaw, Bernard, Fabianism, 349 
Shipping combinations, 175 
Sickness, insurance against, see 

National Insurance Act 
Single-Chamber government, 211 
Single school areas, 292, 293, ^^t 

Single transferable vote, 246 
Arguments for and against, 255- 

Bibliography, 258 
Sinn Fein, 271 
" Site value," 330 
Small Holdings — 
Act of 1908, 392 

Increased rents under, 394, 995 
Bibliography, 403 
Co-operation, 400 
Credit banks, 399-401 
" Magic of property," 398 

Digitized by 




Markot for prodaoe, 391 
Onslow Oommittee on ownership, 

Ownership, 393 
Arguments for and agfunst, 

Hardens of, 395 
Camperdown proposal, 398 
Continental conditions, 893 
Labour opposition, 392 
National land banks, 398-401 
Proposals for purchase, 396-401 
Bestrictions on subdivision, 

Socialist opposition, 392 
State credit for, 397 
Tenancy, advantages of, 398 
Objections to, 394 
V. ownership, 391-397 
Snowden, Philip, M.P., Labour 
Party and Socialism, 249 
Socialism, 345-362 
Bibliography, 361 
Budget of 1909 and, 350 
Capture of Trade Unions for, 

Class prejudice, 348 
Difference from social reform, 350 
Evolutionary, 346 
Fabianism, success of, 349 
Labour Party support for, 349, 

352, 354 
Labour Bepresentation Com- 
mittee and, 354 
Modem tendencies towards, 347, 

Opposition to, misrepresentation 

of, 347 
Parties in Great Britain, 345- 

Poor Law Commission, Minority 

Beport, 368 
Badical Party, relations with, 
848, 352, 354 

Bevolutionary, 345 
Social reform, influence on, 366 
Types of, 345-347 
Socialists, Continental — 
Anti-military policy in France, 54 
Support strong navy, 12 
Social Beform, 362-389 
Bibliography, 388 
Cost of, 380 
Definition of, 363 
Electoral advantages of, 364 
Helps Tarifi Beform, 188 
Naval expenditure, influence on, 

Barely party question, 363 
Socialism, influence of, 366 
Unionisi; Party and, 364 
Unionist policy, future, 365 
Somaliland — 
Abandonment of hinterland, 
arguments for and against 
British policy in, 77-80 
Illicit arms traffic, 80 
South Africa — 
Compulsory training, 178 
Lidian immigration, 162, 165, 
Attitude of British Labour 

Party, 170 
Terms of provisional settle- 
ment, 170 
State interference, 188 
Strikes — 
Arguments for and against, 384- 
** Successive occupation," 232 
Swansea school case, 299 

Taft, Pbbsident, on arbitration, 

Tulff Btform, 187-209 
Arguments for and against, 203- 


Digitized by 




** Double'* market, advantages 

of, obtained by, 196 
Dumping prevented under, 194 
Eaatem competition renders 

necessary, 189, 190 
Emigration under, 192 
Food, prices under, 193, 900-303 
Growth of opinion in favour of, 

Helped bj social reform, 188 
Imperial Preference, 199-308 
Benefits of, Asquith, Bt. Hon. 
H. H., M.P., on, 303 
George, Rt Hon. D. Lloyd, 
M.P., on, 303 
Need for immediate action, 203 
India, Lord Minto on its neces- 
sity, 139 
Indian preference, arguments for 

and against, 148-145 
Japanese competition, its influ- 
ence on, 189 
Negotiation, power of, encouraged, 

Opponents' arguments falsified, 

Part of modem industrial legisla- 
tion, 188, 193, 198 
Prices under, 198 
Bevenue tariff, 830-833 
Cost of collection, 831 
Effect on prices, 821 
Estimated yield, 831 
Wages under, 192 
Who pays the duty? 198, 821, 
Taacation, ses Finance and taxation 
Position in elementary schools, 
290, 298, 294, 297, 298 
Territorial Army, see Army 
" Tests for teachers," 290, 293, 294, 

297, 298 
Tithes, 811 

Trade Disputes Act, 857 
Trade relations, 187-309 

Bibaography, 208 
Trade Unions— 
Captured for Sociab'sm, 852-^54 
Osborne Judgment, 854-858 
Arguments for and against, 

MaoDonald, J. Bamsay, M.P., 

on defiance of, 855 
Payment of Monbers no alter- 
native, 318, 857 
Proposals for alteration, 356 
Beversal of, suggested, 855 
Privileged position as political 
associations, 857 
Transferable vote, 846 
Arguments for and against, 855- 

Bibliogn^hy, 358 
Transvaal, Indian emigration, 165, 

Triple etUetUe, effectiveness oi, 83 
Trusts, existence under Free Trade, 

Albania, 81, 83, 101 
Army, effect on European 

politics, 84 
Baghdad Bailway, conditions of 

construction, 94-95 
British attitude towards, 80-88 
Customs duties, increase in, to 
finance Baghdad Bailway, 
Expulsion from Europe, the 
solution of Balkan ques- 
tion, 83 
Future in European politics, 

Pan-Islamic policy abandoned, 

84, 88 
Supremacy preserved in Crete, 

Digitized by 




Young Turks Party, polioj of, 
Two-Power standard, 1, 3, 5 

UNDSHOMiirATioirAi. Schools, public 
money voted for building, 
Undenominational system, tee 

Education Question 
Undeveloped Land Duty, 380-382 
EfEect on housing and building, 
Unearned increment, 329 
Unemployment — 
Bibliography, 889 
Distress from, 372 
See also *< Bight to Work" 
Unemployment insurance, 873-375 
Compulsion, difficulties of, 374 
Limitations of, 374 
Ure, Rt. Hon. A., M.P.— 
Land taxes and nationalisation. 

« Swingeing" duties on licences, 

YOLUHTABT Schools, 286, 292, 294 
Bate-aid iot, 286, 288, 297, 298 
Unjust Liberal administration, 

Minimum wage, 370-872 

Arguments for and against, 384 
Under Tariff Beform, 192 
Welsh Disestablishment, see Dis- 
Wheelwright Schools Oase, 299 
Wolseley, Viscount, army, 62 
Women's Suffrage, 236-239 
Arguments for and against, 248- 

Bibliography, 257 
" Conciliation " Bill, 237-239 

Yatb, Colonel, Baghdad Bailway, 

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